President Al-Assad’s surprise visit with our Armed Forces in Daria today, to celebrate the 68th Anniversary of the Syrian Arab Army …

President Bashar al-Assad expressed confidence in victory over the aggression targeting Syria thanks to the sacrifices and heroism of the Syrian army.

Addressing the Syrian army and armed forces on the occasion of the 68 anniversary of the Army Foundation Day in a speech published by Jaysh al-Shaab (Army of the People) magazine, President al-Assad saluted the Syrian army ”who is protecting the homeland’s dignity and honor,” lauding its unequalled valor in confronting terrorism.

President al-Assad emphasized the army’s role in safeguarding the cultural identity of the Arab nation and Syria, hailing the mutual bond of confidence between the army and people in what constituted ”the secret of our legendary steadfastness.”

“You have shown the whole world that pressure and conspiracies, no matter how tough and varied, will only make you even more determined to confront challenges, and emphasized that there are sacred principles in Syria based on the interests of the Syrian people and their national and pan-Arab goals,” President al-Assad said.

”Had we in Syria not been confident of victory, we would not have been able to remain steadfast and resist the agression for over two years,” President al-Assad affirmed.

President al-Assad saluted the souls of martyrs and their families and the Syrian people all over Syria.

“Motto-ul armatei siriene a fost intotdeauna”‪#‎Patrie‬ … ‪#‎Onoare‬ … ‪#‎Onestitate‬ iar aici se apără cinstit patria și onoarea acesteia,” a afirmat Domnul ‪#‎Presedinte‬ ‪#‎Bashar_al_Assad‬ in vizita sa la ‪#‎Daraya‬.
“Dușmanul nu a putut ucide mândria și curajul sirian , în ciuda tuturor eforturilor sale … pentru că el a găsit o ‪#‎armată‬ ce nu cunoaște înfrângerea și frica …”

Syrian army’s day-1st of August 2013

Syrian army's day-1st of August 2013

3ashet Suria al Assad!

‪#‎President_Bashar_al_Assad‬ stressed Thursday that the enemy, despite all of its attempts and those standing behind it, has failed to kill the pride and courage of the Syrians as it found itself faced with an army that knows no defeat nor fear.

During inspecting a unit of the armed forces in ‪#‎Daraya‬ city in ‪#‎Damascus‬ Countryside on the occasion of the Syrian Arab Army’s Day, marked on August 1st of every year, President al-‪#‎Assad‬ said the Syrian army has spread fear in the terrorists’ hearts and has protected the homeland and is still doing so.

He added that history will record what the Syrian army members are doing today as the whole world are now talking about the Syrian Arab Army.

“Your motto has always been ‘Homeland…Honor…Honesty’, and here you are honestly defending the homeland and its honor,” President al-Assad said.

Deputy Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Armed Forces and Minister of Defense, Gen. Fahd Jassem al-Freij, on Thursday extended a salute to the brave members of the Syrian Arab Army, stressing that the Syrian army is fighting terrorism on behalf of the whole world.

“We have been confident from the very beginning in the ability to achieve victory; otherwise Syria would have not held its ground,” said Gen. al-Fraeij in a phone call with the Syrian Television on the 68th anniversary of the foundation of the Syrian Arab Army.

The Minister said Syria is not only engaged in a war against terrorism and terrorists, but it is in confrontation with Arab and regional ruling systems and is fighting terrorism on behalf of the entire world.

He stressed that the armed forces, on their day, renew their pledge to continue to go all the way until restoring security and stability to all parts of the homeland and getting it rid of the evils of international terrorism.

He added that the Syrian army is the honest guarantor of the Arabs’ just causes after the enemies have succeeded in weakening other Arab armies.

“Our destiny in Syria is to be steadfast and to remain the beacon and the model to all those who want to know about legendary steadfastness,” the Minister said, stressing that Syria will continue to be the defender of the Arabs and the Arab honor and identity.

He noted that the power of the Syrian army has always been and continues to be the top preoccupation of Syria’s enemies, particularly the Zionist entity that has usurped Palestine, who are seeking to target this army.

“Yet, despite all the support and funds, the enemy has failed and its mercenaries have failed too and their dreams were destroyed thanks to our army’s steadfastness,” Gen. al-Freij stressed.

He added that the Syrian army has carried the pan-Arab responsibility on its shoulder for decades and offered a lot of blood and men in defense of its convictions and people, which did not please the enemies “to whom we say: Our army will continue to teach lessons in patriotism, and no one will be able to break it as it will continue to chase the terrorists wherever they are.”

He pointed out that the Israeli enemy has tried to stay behind the front seeking to weaken Syria through its agents on the ground who soon started to be vanquished, which promoted a direct aggression by the enemy to help its terrorists to hold their ground.

The Minister said that the mask fell off the face of the Zionist enemy as its role in the aggression on Syria has been exposed, with all the indications of its involvement through its blatant attacks and support for the terrorist groups are now seen by the whole world.

Gen. al-Freij said that although the price that has been paid in the war against the homeland is expensive, but it is still much less than what was planned for Syria, adding that Syria has realized from the start that the price for preserving dignity is very high, but at the same time it has been confident in the ability to achieve victory.

The Minister lauded the successes and great achievements of the Syrian soldiers which have amazed the whole world.

He explained that confronting imported terrorism is an open process that exceeds the conventional war and guerrilla and street warfare to reach various types of information, intelligence, psychological and media warfare “in which the Syrian soldier has proved being psychologically and morally immune and capable of facing dangers and threats with composure, a high sense of self-confidence and an ability to achieve victory.”

He affirmed that the most dangerous and difficult at this stage has been overcome, adding however that “as long as the flow of and support to the gunmen continue by many countries , the Syrian Arab army can’t lag in performing its constitutional and national duties.”

The Syrian army, Gen. al-Freij reiterated, will continue to hunt the terrorists wherever they are in defense of the security of the homeland and citizens.

“On its day, the army affirms that its compass remains one and the same, its watchful eye is still the same and its rifle has not lost and will never lose its aim regardless of the varied masks of the enemies,” he added.

The Minister congratulated President Bashar al-Assad, the armed forces members and the Syrian people on this day, expressing his great pride in being a member of “this great army with its history, achievements and heroism.”
وجه السيد الرئيس الفريق بشار ‫#‏الأسد‬ القائد العام للجيش والقوات المسلحة كلمة عبر مجلة جيش الشعب إلى رجال قواتنا المسلحة الباسلة بمناسبة الذكرى الثامنة والستين لتأسيس الجيش العربي السوري جاء فيها:

إخواني رجال قواتنا المسلحة ضباطا وصف ضباط وأفرادا.. أحييكم تحية الاعتزاز والتقدير وأنتم تصونون اليوم عزة الوطن وكرامته وتسورون حدوده بأجسادكم وتسهرون على أمنه وأمانه واستقراره.

ببطولاتكم تكتبون حروف النصر وتعبرون عن وجدان الشعب وتحمون قيمه وتطلعاته

ببطولاتكم تكتبون حروف النصر وتعبرون عن وجدان الشعب وتحمون قيمه وتطلعاته وبتضحياتكم تحافظون على وحدة الوطن وتصونون ترابه الطاهر وتبذلون الغالي والنفيس كي تبقى رايته خفاقة عالية.

أظهرتم وما تزالون شجاعة نادرة في مواجهة الإرهاب وذيوله وأذهلتم العالم أجمع بصمودكم وقدرتكم على تذليل الصعاب وتحقيق الإنجازات معبرين عن رجولة قل نظيرها في مواجهة أشرس حرب همجية شهدها التاريح الحديث..

فتحية لكم في الذكرى الثامنة والستين لتأسيس جيشنا الباسل حامي الديار ومصدر الفخر الذي يخوض اليوم أشرس أنواع الحروب والذي كان له عبر مسيرته النضالية التي تمتد قرابة سبعة عقود دور بارز في الحفاظ على الهوية الحضارية للأمة العربية ولسورية الأبية أم الأبجدية ومهد الحضارة الإنسانية.

يارجال الوطن الشجعان كنتم وستبقون بحق جيش الشعب بما قدمتموه من تضحيات

وأضاف الرئيس الأسد.. يارجال الوطن الشجعان كنتم وستبقون بحق جيش الشعب بما قدمتموه من تضحيات ولذا بادلكم الشعب بالثقة ووقف معكم جنبا إلى جنب في خندق الدفاع عن الوطن فكان هذا التفاعل الخلاق والتلاحم الوطني الذي تعيشه سورية المقاومة بين جيشها الباسل وشعبها الأبي سر نجاحنا وعنوان صمودنا الأسطوري.

لقد أثبتم للعالم بأسره أن الضغوط والمؤامرات وإن اشتدت وتنوعت لن تزيدكم إلا عزيمة وإصرارا على مواجهة التحديات مؤكدين أن في سورية أسسا لا يمكن المساس بها قوامها مصالح الشعب العربي السوري وأهدافه الوطنية والقومية وسيسجل التاريخ بحروف من نور تضحياتكم وبطولاتكم التي أبديتموها دفاعا عن الوطن.

لو لم نكن في سورية واثقين بالنصر لما امتلكنا القدرة على الصمود

وقال الرئيس الأسد.. أيها الأخوة في القوات المسلحة.. لو لم نكن في سورية واثقين بالنصر لما امتلكنا القدرة على الصمود ولما كانت لدينا القدرة على الاستمرار بعد أكثر من عامين على العدوان.. ثقتي بكم كبيرة وإيماني راسخ بقدرتكم على حمل الأمانة وأداء الرسالة والاضطلاع بالمهام الوطنية الملقاة على عاتقكم ولتكونوا دائما كما عهدكم شعبنا السوري الأبي جنودا ميامين تضيفون أنصع الصفحات إلى تاريخ جيشنا الباسل وتمثلون القدوة والانموذج الأمثل في العنفوان والشموخ وخالص الانتماء للوطن.

تحية الإكبار والإجلال لأرواح شهدائنا الأبرار الذين رووا بدمائهم الزكية تراب سورية الغالي.

تحية إلى كل أسرة شهيد وأم شهيد نستمد منها جميعا القوة والصمود..

تحية لكم ولأسركم الكريمة التي تتحمل أعباء مسؤولياتكم الوطنية التي أفرزتها طبيعة عملكم ومهامكم النبيلة.

تحية لشعبنا الأبي على امتداد ساحة الوطن الذي جسد بتلاحمه مع جيشه انموذجا في الوحدة الوطنية والمحبة والتآخي.. والسلام عليكم.

رئاســة الجمهوريــة العربيــة السوريــة

Le président al-Assad : L’ennemi n’avait pas pu liquider la ‪#‎dignité‬ ni le courage des ‪#‎Syriens‬ en dépit de toutes ses tentatives

01 Août 2013

Banlieue de Damas / Le président Bachar al-Assad, ‪#‎commandant_en_chef_de_l_armée‬ et des forces armées, a affirmé que ce que fait actuellement l’armée arabe syrienne sera enregistré dans l’histoire et que tout le monde parle de cette armée dont le slogan était toujours “Patrie, Honneur et Fidélité”, soulignant que l’armée arabe syrienne défend actuellement la patrie et son honneur en toute fidélité.

Se rendant aujourd’hui à #Daraya dans la banlieue de ‪#‎Damas‬ où il a visité une unité de l’armée à l’occasion de l’anniversaire de la fondation de l’armée arabe syrienne, le président al-Assad a fait savoir que l’ennemi n’avait pas pu liquider la dignité et le courage des Syriens en dépit de toutes ses tentatives et de celles des parties qui le soutiennent, car il a trouvé une armée qui ne connaît point la défaite ni la peur, une armée qui a semé la panique dans les cœurs des ‪#‎terroristes‬, protégé et protège toujours la ‪#‎patrie

President al-Assad to al-Thawra daily: Syria still home for all..what is taking place in Egypt the fall of so-called Political Islam

Damascus, (SANA)-President Bashar al-Assad gave a speech to Syrian al-Thawra daily published on Thursday.  

The following is the full text of the speech:  

Interviewer: During this difficult time of crisis, it has often been said that Syria can accommodate everyone, but in reality it has not embraced all of its citizens. What has led us to this point?

President al-Assad: First of all, I would like to welcome you in my office. I am particularly pleased that this interview coincides with the 50th anniversary of Al-Thawra newspaper. This is a momentous occasion for every patriotic Syrian irrespective of their political affiliation.

We often view nations as a group of people occupying a certain territory; whereas in fact a nation is about a sense of belonging and of culture which both ultimately form a collective identity. With a strong sense of belonging, we can ensure a united country that includes everyone. When the colonial powers left Syria, it was not to liberate the country but to reoccupy it through other means.

One of their core strategies was to divide and conquer. By division, I do not mean redrawing national borders but rather fragmentation of identity, which is far more dangerous.

When we live in the same territory but have different identities, we are already a divided country because each group isolates itself from the rest. When this happens, it is right to say that the country does not accommodate everyone.

In this context colonialism has been successful in creating separatist groups that consider their ideologies and values as solely and legitimately representing the country and hence rejecting all other groups. This success has not happened overnight, but rather during several stages.

The first of which was the Omayyad dynasty, where identities were tampered with, chasms created and many common elements destroyed resulting in fragmentation and ultimately the collapse of the Omayyad State. The same also applies for the Abbasid caliphate in ancient history and the fall of Palestine in modern history.

The rifts we have witnessed in modern history have come with the emergence of the Muslim Brotherhood and the negative role they have played after the independence of many Arab countries like Syria. They created the first split between Pan-Arabism and Islam, working hard to form a country for Islamists and another for nationalists. These attempts continued when colonist powers in Lebanon attempted to create a country for Muslims and another for Christians. The implications of the Muslim Brotherhood have transpired, the most dangerous of which is the presence of Al Qaeda which was generously supported by the West on the back of the Islamic revolution in Iran. After this revolution, Iran emerged as a firm supporter of the Palestinian cause, the essence of Arab identity. They attempted to incite sectarian strife between Sunnis and Shiites and to damage the relationship between Arabs and Persians. After the 9/11 events and the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq, these rifts were extended between the takfiris and all other Muslim sects.

The more schism in a country, the less it is able to accommodate its entire people. On the contrary, Syria is still accommodating to all Syrians due to people’s ability to grasp these realities and reject this strife hence preventing it from materializing. Syria remains for all Syrians as long as we can prevent these pockets of extremisms from spreading.

Interviewer: Mr President today is the fiftieth anniversary of the establishment of Al-Thawra Newspaper. You first stated that what is happening in Syria is not a revolution; certainly you had a conceptual foundation behind these statements. Here let me reference the Russian foreign minister Sergei Lavrov, during his first meeting with the opposition delegation in Moscow when they introduced themselves as revolutionaries; he asked them, “If you are revolutionaries representing a revolution, why do you need the outside world?” There is a historical saying: no state in the world can endure a popular revolution. I personally entirely subscribe to this theory. What made you say that it was not a revolution from the inception?

President al-Assad: From a historical perspective, any genuine revolution is purely internal and cannot be linked externally by any means, as manifested by the Russian, French and even the Iranian revolutions. Real revolutions are intrinsic, spontaneous, and are led by intellectual and ideological elites. What occurred in Syria since the outset of the crisis was flagrant external interference. There were attempts to hide this, but it has become absolutely clear. This is evident by the fact that we continuously hear external extrinsic statements regarding what should and should not be done in Syria.

Secondly, the real revolution of 1963 – which your newspaper is named after – was a revolution that empowered the country, society and human values. It promoted science and knowledge by building thousands of schools, it brought light to the Urban and rural areas of Syria by building electricity lines and networks, it strengthened the economy by providing job opportunities according to competencies. It supported the wider foundations of society including farmers, labourers and skilled-workers. The revolution at the time built an army indoctrinated in national values that fought the fiercest of battles, it stood unwavering in those difficult circumstances and it won in the 1973 war. We are now perhaps enduring the most challenging circumstances in which the army has shown that its revolutionary foundations and ideological values are as strong as ever.

Revolutions are about building countries and societies, not about destroying them; so how can we call what is happening in Syria a revolution? Attempts to package the events on the ground as a part of a revolution have been futile from the beginning.

Interviewer: Mr President, do you not believe that there were some in the country, even a small minority, who believed in the idea of the revolution, and hence contributed to it and embraced it in the beginning?

President al-Assad: Exactly, and this leads us back to the question of identity. What you are depicting happened for one of two reasons, both of which bear extremism. Either because there are some who completely abandoned their identity and embraced a “Western Dream” even with all its flaws or there are those who went in exactly the opposite direction and abandoned their identity and embraced religious extremism, which is inherently more dangerous and potent. Both trends are inflammatory. Without a doubt there are numerous aspects of western civilization and advancements that we should benefit from, but to be dazzled by the West and to drop our own identity, this would just be another category of extremism.

Our original Arab identity represents the amalgamation of civilizations of thousands of years and is hence built on moderation in all aspects: social, cultural, political and religious. When this identity is being torn in any of the two directions I mentioned, the result will be these foci of extremism you mentioned. This is my greatest concern; extremism in following the West is as destructive to our identity as religious extremism and they both lead to turbulence, which is what we are witnessing in Syria and other countries. This is not exclusive to Syria, but perhaps the element of external interference in Syria was stronger than in other countries.

Interviewer: Nonetheless Mr President, do you agree that the concepts and forms of revolutions have changed significantly from previous examples such as the Russian or French Revolution? Is it not possible to consider what is happening in Syria a revolution according to different concepts? Is it necessary for all revolutions in history to follow the same methods and paths?

President al-Assad: Everything in the world changes however, there are fundamental human principles that should remain constant. Religions do not change, although they deal with change. Principles do not change, however mechanisms need to be adjusted to keep up with time.

If for the sake of argument we are to accept the notion that the concept of revolutions change, which would then make what is happening in Syria a revolution, we should then accept that the Israeli acts against Palestinians constitute an Israeli revolution against Palestinian oppression, or that the American invasion of Iraq and Afghanistan was a revolution. To accept the fact that conditions and circumstances are perpetuated or altered should not mean that principles are fundamentally undermined.

The West and all its propaganda have always attempted to realign the facts upside down to serve their agenda. Rights become wrongs and wrongs become rights that then legitimize their political practices. If they do that, it doesn’t mean that we should sleepwalk with them.

Interviewer: Despite this, Mr President, some outside Syria and even inside Syria have called it – and still do – a revolution. This is a real controversy that needs clarification.

President al-Assad: To correct your question, even the western media and statements by western officials hostile to Syria could not ignore that it was not a revolution. The term “revolution’s is no longer used. They have now shifted towards discussing terrorism, adopting the American notion of differentiating between ‘good terrorists’ and ‘bad terrorists.’ So if those hostile to Syria have been able to see that this is not a revolution, it is only natural that most Syrians would be able to see this too.

There are of course those who refuse to see the reality because it serves their own agendas. Some embrace the same doctrines as the terrorists – the takfiri extremist ideology, so it is expected that they would believe this to be a revolution. There are others who suffer from ignorance and lack of judgement, who see through their eyes yet have a mental blackout. These groups bear little significance and are gradually shrinking. In any case, we are not significantly concerned by external factors because the events are more relevant to those inside who directly influence the events. The Syrian people are the ones fighting this battle and they are the ones persevering.

Interviewer: With regards to the external factors, it is well known that there are foreign fighters in Syria, possibly up to tens of thousands according to Western estimates. Mr President, why has Syria turned into a land for Jihad, and how has that transpired in such a short period of time?

President al-Assad: Syria has not turned into a land for Jihad. Jihad usually denotes benevolence; it is about construction, development, defending the country and the messages advocated in religion relating to virtuousness, justice and equality. What is happening in Syria is the complete opposite to the concept of jihad; Syria has turned into a land for terrorism.

This is due to several reasons. Chaos is a fertile environment for terrorism to breed. When the state was weakened in Afghanistan, terrorism flourished. The same happened in Iraq after the invasion. As they attempted to weaken Syria, the ensuing chaos transformed into terrorism.

Additionally, there are countries supporting terrorism in Syria in order to erode its historic characteristics of strength and immunity. These characteristics have always been evident in the international arena through our stances and nationally through our culture and intellectual thought. This attempted erosion is targeting our national unity, our infrastructure, our economy and the services that the state has always provided. Those who are hostile to Syria would happily watch its destruction, even in the long run. Another reason for western countries to support terrorism in Syria is their belief that these terrorist groups, which have been a security threat to them for decades, can be killed in Syria, hence shifting the battleground away from their own countries and destroying Syria in the process.

Interviewer: However, Mr President, not all those fighting in Syria are foreign fighters. We have seen a Syrian eating the heart of another Syrian. What has driven us to this phase?

President al-Assad: Often when discussing the Syrian crisis, I start by defining it as a crisis of morals, before discussing extremism, takfiri ideology and external intervention. All of these could never conceivably penetrate our society if it was protected by strong morals. A moral crisis paves the way for foreign interference in our internal affairs, it paves the way for people to be controlled by money and hatred and it paves the way for mercenaries who have lost their national and patriotic principles. When you lose your moral compass, you lose your humanity and turn into another creature, not even into an animal. Animals do not eat their brothers’ flesh out of hatred; they do so out of hunger. When you lose your morals and your principles, you lose the real value of religion. Religions came to reinforce humanity and cannot by any means be the pretext to behead humans and eat human flesh. When we lose the righteousness of religion, as is happening with some of these groups, religion becomes a mere façade. Religion would never instruct human beings to commit such acts.

Interviewer: When you refer to “eating brother’s flesh out of hatred” does this imply an instinct of hatred?

President al-Assad: Contrary to correct social and religious beliefs that are built on reason, distorted beliefs make humans hostile to others when they differ in doctrine. Hatred, not instinct, makes humans lose their sanity and drives them to behead others and eat human flesh. Human instinct is based on virtue as opposed to hostility. Weak morals and principles, and distorted beliefs are what drive humans away from sanity.

Interviewer: Mr President going back to your definition of jihad in its true meaning, we find unfortunately that the more prevalent form is based on fighting and killing. What can be done about this?

President al-Assad: The solution is to seek guidance from the Quran where the clear words of God resonate. Islam is a religion of mercy and forgiveness; the word “mercy” is cited tens of times in the Quran. Islam came to promote human values, enshrine mercy and love, and prevent killing. Did the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) not say in the Hadith al-Sharif: “The demise of the universe is easier for God to condone than the wrongful killing of a believer?” The Quran and the Hadith are both clear in promoting love, forgiveness, justice and humanity. Those who claim to emulate the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) should remember his behaviour as a human being before and after he became a prophet, they will find that his message was primarily based on human morals and principals.

I would like to pose a question to you and your readers: do these Wahabis and Takfiris and their acts resemble in any shape or form our great Prophet’s conduct throughout his life, either before or after he became a prophet? During my meetings with clerics in Syria and the Levant, I have often said that the Prophet Muhammad’s life should be studied in greater depth at all levels, by clerics and students alike, because the Prophet did not only convey the words of God, he embodied their meaning and practiced what he preached. If we go back to the Quran, the Hadith and the life and conduct of the Prophet, we will see the complete opposite of what these terrorists are practicing.

Interviewer: Who is responsible for this call to return to the Quran and the Prophet’s conduct?

President al-Assad:When a criminal, a thief or an extremist emerges from the fold of society, it is a collective social responsibility led by the government since it is responsible for overseeing all aspects, including religion. The government shares this responsibility with various religious institutions, including the Ministry of Religious Endowments, religious schools and institutes including those that have recently been licensed. These bodies are responsible for ensuring that our religious scholars are qualified to promote the correct religious ideology and focus on its essence rather than on the extremism that has infiltrated areas of our public life.

Interviewer: Some argue that the government carries the greatest responsibility in the sense that this extremist religious environment grew before the eyes of the authorities. They cite examples of religious schools that are not subject to oversight and do not have the proper curricula, or the building of mosques to avoid paying taxes.

President al-Assad: I have heard this many times during various meetings with people in the current crisis, that the government should not have encouraged these religious schools and that we are now seeing the consequences of this policy. This is unequivocally incorrect. In fact quite the contrary, throughout the crisis we have not had a single incident caused by any of the official religious bodies. More importantly, they have understood the genuine reasons behind the crisis and have worked effectively to contain it.

In a previous interview, I discussed the role of religious clerics. As for religious institutions, they have not produced any form of chaos or contributed to spreading sectarianism. The majority of those who emanated from mosques at the beginning chanting “Allah Akbar” did so to incite chaos and hatred whilst knowing nothing of religion. Others attended mosques to protest and chant “Allah Akbar” but in reality they did not know how to pray.

On the other hand, the religious institutions have existed for decades and they have been empowered and supported as far back as the1980’s during the Muslim Brotherhood crisis. The crisis at that time highlighted the importance of nurturing religious belief correctly since many Syrians were misled due to misguided religious awareness. The Muslim Brotherhood exploited these weaknesses in religious clerics and in society propagating themselves as strengthening religion in society against an “atheist” state fighting religion. Consequently, and based on the above, I believe that on the backdrop of this crisis, we need to embrace religion and religious institutions, and certainly not the opposite.

Interviewer: Mr President, decades ago sectarian strife afflicted Lebanon as it did in Iraq following the American invasion. Did we not realize that this would inevitably come to us? What have we done to confront it?

President al-Assad: Certainly, had we not feared this we would not have taken a strong stance against western policies that promoted this anarchy. We staunchly rejected the war on Iraq despite the serious American threats and great incentives at the time. We took this position not only because in principle we are against any aggression on Arab or friendly countries, but also because we were aware of the disastrous consequences that would follow.

Similarly we expressed concerns over the war on Afghanistan, especially during my meetings with American officials after 9/11. They expected us to be pleased that they would be attacking terrorists, especially since Syria from 1985 had repeatedly called for a clear definition of terrorism and the need to form an international alliance against it. This was not taken seriously at the time since terrorism had not yet struck within their borders. I have consistently warned American officials that the war on Afghanistan would promote and spread terrorism. Terrorism is like cancer, when you deal with the consequences rather than the root cause, it will only spread faster. Therefore, terrorism has to be rooted out and not just attacked. This cannot be achieved through war alone, but by education, culture, human interaction and prosperity. They did not pay attention to our concerns and we are still suffering from the consequences of Afghanistan. Again, in Iraq we warned that the situation would develop into sectarian tension and head towards partition, which we are slowly seeing. When we got involved in Lebanon in 1976 it was to protect Lebanon and also to safeguard Syria since that war had consequences on us from day one.

Therefore in answer to your question, we saw the dynamics you mentioned emerging, we stood against them and we intervened when it was warranted. However, you cannot completely isolate yourself from your neighbourhood. We endeavoured to prevent the events in Iraq from affecting Syria. It was possible to delay it but it was not possible to prevent it completely. Since 2004, some extremist elements started to emerge and ferment in Syria which at the beginning were non-Syrians and sadly with time a considerable part of them are now Syrian.

Interviewer: There were attempts before and during the crisis to draw Syria into this sectarian tension. More than two years into the crisis, they have been utilizing the example of Hezbollah to bolster the notion that it came to defend a certain sect. What is your view on this?

President al-Assad: They have used all methods in this region: direct and indirect occupation, threats, intimidation, as well attempts to breach our national security and culture. They have tried everything and Syria continues to be a source of hindrance to their objectives. Recent events in Arab countries were seen as an opportunity to strike Syria and undermine and weaken the axis of resistance in the region. The core of their objective now is redefine who is an enemy and who is an ally; Israel becomes the invisible enemy, even an ally for some, whilst the resistance becomes the enemy. Instead of representing a movement and an actor against Israeli occupation, the attempt is to project the resistance as the enemy, transforming it from a resistance movement to sectarian movement. This has not transpired and will not transpire. The Syrian people are not so easily misled or fooled. For us, the resistance and all our allies, our aims are clear and our route well defined. Regardless of what they propagate, we will achieve our goals in terms of our resistance and our internal wellbeing. We shall do this in our own way and without hesitation. Regardless of what they say, we will always act according to what is best for Syria.

Interviewer: Did we require fighters from Hezbollah?

President al-Assad: This is not the first time I have been asked this question and my answer is clear: the Syrian Army is fighting in several parts of the country, had we needed external support we would have been able to attain it. However, what happened in Al-Qseir is linked more to the resistance movement than the internal crisis in Syria. Al-Qseir is not as strategically important as they portrayed it to be.


Interviewer: But in the West it was portrayed as the mother of all battles?

President al-Assad: Precisely, that’s because it has a bearing both on the internal crisis in Syria and on the resistance since it is a border town which is the back garden of the resistance. The resistance cannot be strong without an element of strategic depth to it, which is in Syria. Thus the area bears geo-strategic importance in the connection between Syria and Lebanon and specifically the resistance. That is the fundamental reason why the resistance had to join the battle because it affects them as much as it affects Syria. There involvement was necessary and we were completely transparent about this. We will not hesitate to do it again or shy away from it. However, if we needed the resistance as they tried to portray, why did we need it in Al-Qseir but not in Damascus, Aleppo or other key areas? We have a strong army that is supported by large number of National Defence Forces.

Interviewer: Mr President, despite what you have said, there are some in the opposition, most notably those who are outside Syria, who insist that a sectarian struggle is the core issue and that the government has engineered it to augment its own benefits.

President al-Assad: If the government creates sectarian strife in Syria, it would then be leading the country towards division. Our battles across all of Syria are principally to safeguard the country’s demographic diversity and unity, which essentially discredits this notion. Sectarian strife conspicuously negates the interest of the government. The government has an interest in keeping Syria united, strong and prosperous. A sectarian approach would result in us losing the battle not winning it. A government would be ignorant to adopt such a strategy and the Syrian government is certainly not. If a government works for the best interests of the nation, it does its best to ensure society’s unity and consequently ensures its own strength.

Interviewer: Frankly speaking Mr President, there are western accusations that when the protests erupted you subtly signalled to the minorities that they are under threat which drove them to support you. This notion renders you responsible for the schism in Syrian society?

President al-Assad: If there was any truth to this claim then we would have plunged into a civil war and the state would have collapsed. If for the sake of argument we apply the logic of minorities and majorities in Syria – which we completely reject, no minorities can protect the state. The government is maintained by the majority, not necessarily an ethnic, religious or sectarian majority, but by a popular majority.

Our country and our people have persevered because it is the majority that has supported the government and not the minority; this majority constitutes all sects in Syria. These notions of minorities and majorities are purely Western. How did they divide up Syria under the colonial French occupation? They divided it into sectarian based regions: an Alawite state, a Druze state, Damascus, Aleppo etc. Ninety years ago, our ancestors were vigilant and alert to the dangers of such a plan, it is inconceivable that today we less aware or vigilant. Such an attempt is predestined to fail exactly like it failed all those years ago, even when they tried to print new currency. This particular scenario would never transpire in Syria unless the takfiri or Muslim Brotherhood ideology prevails, which would lead to a division empirically similar to the fate of other Arab countries.

Interviewer: But these accusations that the government created a sectarian struggle, are not only from those bearing an extremist ideology but also from intellectuals who claim to be secularists.

President al-Assad: This is regrettably true. Most of the sectarian discourse today is not only by takfiri extremists, but also by those who claim to be secular. There are two groups that advocate sectarianism: the first regard themselves as secular – we have repeatedly stated that secularism is not against religions but rather a form of freedom of confession. The other group are ignorant people who claim to be religious without understanding the essence of religion.

The common element between the first group, which claims to be cultured and secular, and the second – which claims to understand the true essence of religion is ignorance; ignorance of religion leads to sectarianism. In this instance, I am not referring to religious doctrine, which is based on intellectual thought. The old religious scholars provided us with intellectual schools of thoughts that enriched our understanding of religion and religious practice, but did not promote sectarianism. What is important is that the majority of believers who understand the true essence of religion do not promote sectarianism, because they know as we do that sectarianism is the exact opposite of religion. Those who maintain a poor knowledge of religions adopt the concept of sectarianism parallel to those who boast about secularism without comprehending its true meaning or the true meaning of religion.

Interviewer: Taking into consideration these distorted concepts and perverse practices in our society from beheading and slaughtering to sectarianism and fragmentation, are we beginning to see the defeat of Arab Nationalism to the hands of fanaticism and takfiri ideology?

President al-Assad: Arab identity is endangered by three factors: firstly, an absolute deviation towards the West, secondly, the inclination towards extremism and thirdly, the performance of successive Arab governments which has led some to shift away from the core of Arab nationalism. These three deadly threats have dealt severe blows to Pan-Arabism, but Arab nationalism is still alive and this can be felt in the popular mood. Pan-Arabism will not collapse because it is deeply rooted in our Arab identity.

Interviewer:Mr President, since the inception of the crisis, there have been calls from Turkey to specifically engage with the Muslim Brotherhood, while Syria has categorically rejected dealing with them as a political entity. The Syrian government announced its intention to attend the Geneva talks with no pre-conditions. Will we talk to the Muslim Brotherhood?

President al-Assad: We deal with all parties. In fact, we engaged with the Muslim Brotherhood after they were defeated in Syria in 1982. We believe that dialogue is the method to direct parties onto the right track and national position. If we are to discuss Islam, they should refer back to the correct Islam for all Syrians.

This dialogue has never stopped, and there have been several attempts, but every time we realize that the Muslim Brotherhood have not abandoned their hypocrisy. Their main concern remains power and ruling rather than religion or the interests of the country. We engage with them as individuals and not as a political party, since our constitution and legislations ban political parties based on religious ideology.

This should not be understood as being anti-religion; on the contrary, we support religion. Religion is a calling, a higher calling to teach the word of God and should be elevated to a much higher level than ruling people’s daily lives. Religion is for all humanity and not exclusive to a certain group; it has a higher purpose than the details and nuances of our human lives which encompass wrongdoings, sins, perversities and whims. Religion should not be reduced to a political party. Religion augments moral values, which in turn reinforces politics, parties, the economy and prosperity. It is for these reasons that we do not recognise them as a political party. In terms of their practice, they are terrorists who killed thousands of Syrians under the same leadership that still exists outside Syria – we do not forget this.

So we will engage in dialogue with all parties relying on our existing knowledge of their real ideology and knowing that it is extremely unlikely they will – after close to a century of adopting their ideology – suddenly change and become moderate Muslims with national values.

As I mentioned earlier though, we have engaged with individuals within the Brotherhood and they have returned to Syria. They maintain their religious beliefs, which we respect, and have contributed to building the country rather than destroying it. As I have said before, the potential outcome of any dialogue will be subject to a public referendum, which will ensure that the electorate will decide what is right for the country.

Interviewer: Regarding the Muslim Brotherhood, how are you following the unfolding events in Egypt? What is your view of the situation?

President al-Assad: What is happening in Egypt is essentially the fall of political Islam; the type of governing system which the Muslim Brotherhood attempted to advocate regionally. I reiterate that religion should not be deprecated into a particular political practice. Religious preaching should be an independent process, kept away from the specific dynamics and intricacies of political manoeuvring.

This experience has failed quickly because it was founded on a flawed basis. Our perception of the Muslim Brotherhood extends broadly to developments in Egypt. Using religion for politics or a certain political party is inevitably destined to fail anywhere in the world.

Interviewer: Is it that the Muslim Brotherhood deceived the Egyptian people or have the Egyptians suddenly woken up to the reality of the Muslim Brotherhood?

President al-Assad: Countries such as Egypt, Iraq and Syria are strategically located and deeply ingrained in the history of the region and have been for thousands of years. Consequently, the peoples of these lands have a rich reservoir of knowledge, awareness, culture and human civilization, which make them immune to deceitful narratives. As the saying goes: you can deceive some people some of the time, but you cannot deceive everybody all of the time. This especially applies to the Egyptians who represent a civilization of thousands of years and a unique Arab nationalist ideology. What happened a year ago was an untestable consequence of the previous ruling party, now the picture has emerged clearer to the Egyptians, and the performance of the Muslim Brotherhood unveiled the lies they expounded at the start of the revolution. The Egyptians are an ancient people and they were able to quickly discover the reality for what it was.

Interviewer: And in record time.

President al-Assad: Yes, thanks to the Muslim Brotherhood!

Interviewer: Is it fair to say that the Muslim Brotherhood’s experience at governing has failed?

President al-Assad: We envisaged its failure before it even started. This type of governance is destined to fail since it is incompatible with human nature. The Muslim Brotherhood adopts hypocrisy and aims in reality to create schism in the Arab world. They were the first to raise the sectarian strife in Syria in the 70’s. At that time, sectarianism was not common discourse or phenomenon in Syria. Their objective is to create conflicts, however this is not resonant in societies that have a high level of public awareness, which is why we knew they would fail.

Interviewer: Some suggest that part of what is occurring in Egypt now is due to the decision taken to sever relationships with Syria. Reuters quoted a military source stating that the army began to change its stance following Morsi’s statements during his meeting with the Syrian opposition.

President al-Assad: I do not wish to speak on behalf of the Egyptians people, but I can tell you that when Muhammad Morsi severed relationships with Syria a few weeks ago, there were attempts by the Egyptians to reach a compromise. Foreign Minister Walid al-Moallem revealed these details in his recent press conference. This implies that not everybody in the Egyptian government endorsed Morsi’s decision because it was effectively an incorrect decision. This was further echoed by criticism of the decision from Egyptian intellectuals and journalists who highlighted the strategic and historic nature of the relationship between the two countries.

 The Pharaohs were aware of the strategic importance of military and political relations between Syria and Egypt, hence their battle of Kadesh (near Al-Qseir now) against the Hittites in 1380. The Hittites in Anatolia also realised the importance of their relationships with Syria. The Pharaohs realised that Syria represents Egypt’s strategic depth. The battle ended with no victor, culminating in one of the oldest agreements known to history between the Hittites and the Pharaohs in 1280. Whilst the Pharaohs were aware of the importance of Syria to them then, how could a person living in the 21st century not understand it today? It is shameful ignorance.

Interviewer: We have discussed the dialogue, done the groundwork, initiated the political process and taken some concrete steps, even clarified our position on the Geneva conference. To a large extent all of these measures are part of a wider political process. I would like to touch upon the humanitarian aspect: tolerance, forgiveness and reconciliation. Some have asked, Mr President, how can we reconcile both internally and externally?

President al-Assad: Internally speaking – and this is the most important for me – we mistakenly put all our eggs in the same basket. There are those who have killed, those who have vandalised but did not kill, there are those who carried arms but did not kill and those who facilitated the killing of others. So there are many different roles. In all instances that did not result in killing, the state can be lenient on the condition that offenders return to normal civilian life. In the instances of proven homicide, this is tied to the wishes of the victims’ families and the state cannot act on their behalf. However I have heard a significant number of families of martyrs, saying: “if our son’s or brother’s blood leads to a resolution of the problem then we are ready to forgive.” We must all learn from these families who have lost their children and their loved ones.

Forgiveness is essential in solving national crises, provided it is done at a popular level rather than at an official level in order to ensure its sustainability. It is a sign of strength and patriotism when we can put our national public interests above our own personal interests; this concept needs to be adopted by everybody. Like most other families, my family has been affected by the crisis, we have lost loved ones, but ultimately, similar to any other family, we need to put the interests of the country ahead of our personal loss. This needs to be applied both internally and externally.

The external side is more political. Foreign policy is not based on emotions but national interests. There are principles and interests and they are inextricably intertwined. It is unscrupulous for your principles to be against your interests, either your interests are wrong or your principles. Here, forgiveness is viewed positively as a humane and religious value. When forgiveness serves the relationships with a certain country, and therefore the interests of Syrians, there is no reason not to forgive, since the central focus of the state is the interest of its people. This is what we have done; we have received many politicians and met with several countries that were hostile to us. Our primary aim was always the unequivocal interest of the Syrian people.

Interviewer: Mr President, Syrians today have two primary concerns: one is the prevalence of terrorism and bloodshed on the streets, targeting state institutions, factories and other key locations. The second concern is the increasing cost of living. With regards to the economy, the unprecedented rise in the dollar exchange rate and the disastrous consequences? What do you say to the Syrian citizen on issues relating to the economy?

President al-Assad: In order to give an objective assessment, one has to start from the fundamentals. Firstly, for a citizen to be well off, the economy has to be healthy which requires stability and security. The economy can never flourish in turbulent times and in the absence of security.

Therefore our security threats are directly affecting us irrespective of the performance of any government with the best experts. Secondly, we know that certain countries tried to strike Syria, first through the idea of the revolution – which failed because people didn’t embrace it, and then they tried through supporting terrorism – which also failed because it was countered by the armed forces and local communities. Since they failed in both of those areas, their third attempt was the economy to ensure the greatest suffering against Syrians who supported their country. If we take into account these factors, it is inevitable that there is a heavy price to pay. In these circumstances, the best we can do is to limit the damage, either by dealing with the profiteers of the crisis or with the mistakes of officials.

We have to identify policies that are suitable for the present time and circumstance. Some make the mistake of assessing current policies and government performance in the same manner as before the crisis. This is unrealistic. We are in a completely different situation. It is unfeasible to continue in the same level of consumption as before, since this creates pressure on the economy and most significantly the Syrian pound. We need to change our lifestyle in order to alleviate the pressure and adapt to the circumstances until we can reach a solution based on restoring full security. We have to understand that our economic hardships will not ease until we can restore our stability.

This crisis has affected all Syrians irrespective of their political affiliations; even those who initially supported the alleged ‘revolution’ were struck by increased poverty, which was the catalyst for them to realize that they were losing out. It is unfortunate that there was a limited foci that only started to think objectively after they were struck by poverty. However, we must all collaborate to combat terrorism in order to restore the economy to its former strength.

We must identify the beneficiaries of the crisis and deal with them accordingly. It is paramount that the public cooperates with the state and refrain from relying on others to solve the problem. This is a real problem in our society; everyone relies on somebody else to solve their problems.

Similarly, unless our public officials collaborate with each other and with our citizens the hardship will only increase. We must all take the initiative and innovate in finding the best possible economic solutions to deal with these turbulent circumstances; this is where we must be creative in our solutions otherwise the crisis will force choices upon us. Again, the sooner we fight terrorism, the quicker the economy will recover stronger than before because we are a vibrant and intelligent people. We are a country with an indigenous civilization that was not imported from abroad. Regardless of the difficulties in the past, we built our country with our own money and expertise. Therefore, once we restore security, we can at the very minimum re-boost our economy to its former status.

Interviewer: What are the facts behind the oil and gas resources in the Syrian territorial waters, which have been documented and reported by a number of research centres and experts?

President al-Assad: This is correct, whether in our territorial waters or on Syrian soil. Initial studies have reported large gas reserves especially in the sea. We have seen this stretching from Egypt through Palestine along the coast. It is also reported that these resources are richer in the north. There is a notion that one of the reasons behind the crisis was these gas reserves and the fact that they should not be at the disposal of state opposed to Israeli and American policies. This has never been discussed directly with us, but from a logical perspective it cannot be ignored. It is still early to say.

Interviewer: I would like to discuss living conditions from a different angle. The government has increased salaries twice during the crisis. The first pay rise was expected and some thought that it was needed but the second was surprising and unforeseen to some especially since the government was able to accommodate this increase in the current conditions. Despite the difficulties there is hope in what comes after the crisis. Have we taken steps towards this? What are the plans for the future?

President al-Assad: Since we have been affected most by the destruction, the most vital part of the Syrian economy will be reconstruction. We have started to layout plans and where possible started implementation, though the security situation has hindered this. The necessary legislation has been passed, but again implementation requires better security conditions to facilitate the rebuilding process and ensure workers can operate freely.

Another important point you mentioned was the pay rise. For a country in the situation we are in to be able to continue to pay salaries and provide services – albeit of a lower quality than before, is a huge achievement. There are positive elements to gauge, however our aims are bigger and I believe we can collaborate collectively to achieve these.

Interviewer: Some attribute the responsibility of border control to the government, which contributed ultimately to the current economic situation and the absence of state control over markets and prices for instance. Were we taken by surprise in the crisis or was it caused by negligence from the relevant government bodies?

President al-Assad: Certainly there were deficiencies with regards to the performance of certain state institutions before the crisis, which I regularly mentioned, including corruption, negligence, procrastination and the challenge of finding the right and suitable people. The crisis has unveiled and perpetuated these defects, which is not surprising. However it is not realistic to assess the role of the government and its influence without taking into consideration the extrinsic orientations of the crisis, the crisis is not confined to strictly internal issues of corruption, chaos, and lack of security or the presence of gangs as is the case for other countries. Our situation is completely different as we are facing an external war manifested by internal tools and the government is defending the country. So it would be inaccurate to evaluate it in the same way.

The presence of the state, its influence and power is judged by whether the government has changed its principles. The Syrian government has not changed its principles, neither internally nor externally. Our position towards the resistance movement has not changed, our position on Palestine is the same, we remain committed towards the larger sections of society – labourers and farmers, we continue to pay salaries and provide public services despite the widespread destruction, we have launched new projects and have planned for others; all of this has been achieved within our own means. Therefore our government is not absent but rather in a state of war.

Interviewer: Our state institutions are being vandalised and destroyed. Some perceive that these manifestations are the beginning of the collapse of the Syrian state.

President al-Assad: Their objective was to destroy our infrastructure, undermine our security, drain our economy and create chaos that would all lead to a failed state; none of this has materialised. Day to day life continues, albeit with greater challenges. The economy is still functioning despite severe difficulties, which nobody expected us to withstand. Personal safety is a big issue, but workers, employees and business people still go to work. The Syrian people have proven that they have enormous energy and resilience. After explosions, once the casualties have been evacuated and the debris cleared, daily life continues. We haven’t seen this in Syria before and we didn’t know this about ourselves. People go to work despite the risks of a terrorist attacks, suicide bombings or mortar shelling. They go to work and about their daily business with a strong belief in fate and therefore never fall into a state of despair.

All countermeasures have been deployed against us including the use of economic, military and psychological warfare. The only thing they have not tried is direct intervention, which is beyond their means for various reasons; as I have said before, starting a war is different to ending it. No one can end a war, and no one knows where it will end. This has critical and dangerous bearings, which is why there is a lot of reluctance on the part of many countries. If we have overcome all of these stages with a high level of public awareness and solidarity; there is nothing we should fear. That’s why I am not worried.

Interviewer: So, Mr President, you are optimistic?

President al-Assad: If I was not optimistic I would not have been able to endure the difficulties alongside the Syrian people, and if the Syrian people lacked a profound optimism they would not have persevered. Despair is the beginning and essence of defeat and defeat is primarily psychological.

I often meet people and sense their optimism. They all say that the crisis is coming to an end, God willing. They go on to say “Syria is protected by God” or “we have no fears”. They repeat what the martyred Dr Bouti used to say and his belief that the end of the crisis is near.

There is a genuine belief, from a spiritual and national perspective that the crisis will come to an end. Without optimism there is no faith; without faith there is no optimism.

Interviewer: Mr President, in conclusion, our newspaper is celebrating its fiftieth anniversary since releasing its first issue. May I ask you on this occasion to address a few words to my colleagues at the paper? They have been exemplary in their dedication and hard work. There is a printing worker I know who is not driven by political ambitions but by his sense of patriotism and belonging to this institution. This is what keeps him commuting to and from work after midnight, stopping at numerous checkpoints and risking his life.

President al-Assad: The example of your colleague applies to all those working in our national media, and proves the resilience of the Syrian people. Please convey my warm regards to all your staff especially since your newspaper is one of the oldest national papers in Syria. Its fiftieth anniversary corresponds with the 8th of March Revolution which I mentioned earlier with all the benefits it brought to the Syrian people for decades.

Today this anniversary comes as we live another real revolution; not their so-called ‘revolution’ but the real revolution of our people and army against terrorists. I hope that this anniversary will mark a new beginning for the newspaper so that its name will, in the future, symbolize not one revolution, but two: the revolution of 1963 and the revolution of 2013.


أكد أئمة وخطباء المساجد ومديرو المعاهد الشرعية والمدارس الدينية وكليات الشريعة في سورية أن حديث السيد الرئيس بشار الأسد إلى صحيفة الثورة كان وافيا شاملا راقيا عاليا صادقا لامس مشاعر وعواطف وأحاسيس وعقول ووجدان الناس.

وجاء في برقية وجهوها أمس إلى الرئيس الأسد “قرأ شعبكم اليوم ما عهده وعرفه عنكم منذ سنوات .. لقد صححتم مفاهيم كثيرة خصوصا عن العمل الديني وهويتنا الإسلامية وحضارتنا الإيمانية ومفهوم العلمانية فقد أجدتم وانصفتم وحميتم بما قلتم وطننا وأمتنا ووجهتم بالعودة إلى القرآن الكريم وسنة النبي العظيم “ص” وحياة الرسول الكريم بأخلاقه وإنسانيته”.

وأكدت البرقية “إن من كان هذا معتقده وهذا هو فكره وهذه هي رؤيته فلن ينتصر عليه أعداؤه وبارك الله قيادته ونهجه وعهدا نقطعه أمام الله سبحانه وتعالى أن تبقى المؤسسات الدينية بمعاهدها الشرعية ومدارسها الدينية وكوادرها التعليمية وخطباء مساجدها راعية مؤتمنة على المضي قدما بالتمسك بالقرآن والسنة للقضاء على الإرهاب والفكر المتطرف والانحراف التكفيري وتعليم الناس الإسلام كما أنزله الله سبحانه وتعالى”.

واختتمت البرقية بالقول “حفظكم الله وحفظ سورية وشعبها.. والسلام عليكم ورحمة الله وبركاته”.presid thawra

The Syrian President,Dr.Bashar al Assad ‘ interview on Al Manar

The Syrian President,Dr.Bashar al Assad ' interview on Al Manar

Assad: Hezbollah Is Fighting Israeli Enemy, Its Agents in Syria, Lebanon

President Bashar al-Assad gave an interview to al-Manar TV broadcast on Thursday Following is the full text of the interview: Al-Manar: In the name of Allah, the Compassionate, the Merciful. Assalamu Alaikum. Bloodshed in Syria continues unabated. This is the only constant over which there is little disagreement between those loyal to the Syrian state and those opposed to it. However, there is no common ground over the other constants and details two years into the current crisis. At the time, a great deal was said about the imminent fall of the regime. Deadlines were set and missed; and all those bets were lost. Today, we are here in the heart of Damascus, enjoying the hospitality of a president who has become a source of consternation to many of his opponents who are still unable to understand the equations that have played havoc with their calculations and prevented his ouster from the Syrian political scene. This unpleasant and unexpected outcome for his opponents upset their schemes and plots because they didn’t take into account one self-evident question: what happens if the regime doesn’t fall? What if President Assad doesn’t leave the Syrian scene? Of course, there are no clear answers; and the result is more destruction, killing and bloodshed. Today there is talk of a critical juncture for Syria. The Syrian Army has moved from defense to attack, achieving one success after another. On a parallel level, stagnant diplomatic waters have been shaken by discussions over a Geneva 2 conference becoming a recurrent theme in the statements of all parties. There are many questions which need answers: political settlement, resorting to the military option to decide the outcome, the Israeli enemy’s direct interference with the course of events in the current crisis, the new equations on the Golan Heights, the relationship with opponents and friends. What is the Syrian leadership’s plan for a way out of a complex and dangerous crisis whose ramifications have started to spill over into neighboring countries? It is our great pleasure tonight to put these questions to H. E. President Bashar al-Assad. Assalamu Alaikum, Mr. President.

President Assad: Assalamu Alaikum. You are most welcome in Damascus.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, we are in the heart of the People’s Palace, two and a half years into the Syrian crisis. At the time, the bet was that the president and his regime would be overthrown within weeks. How have you managed to foil the plots of your opponents and enemies? What is the secret behind this steadfastness?

President Assad: There are a number of factors are involved. One is the Syrian factor, which thwarted their intentions; the other factor is related to those who masterminded these scenarios and ended up defeating themselves because they do not know Syria or understand in detail the situation. They started with the calls of revolution, but a real revolution requires tangible elements; you cannot create a revolution simply by paying money. When this approach failed, they shifted to using sectarian slogans in order to create a division within our society. Even though they were able to infiltrate certain pockets in Syrian society, pockets of ignorance and lack of awareness that exist in any society, they were not able to create this sectarian division. Had they succeeded, Syria would have been divided up from the beginning. They also fell into their own trap by trying to promote the notion that this was a struggle to maintain power rather than a struggle for national sovereignty. No one would fight and martyr themselves in order to secure power for anyone else.

Al-Manar: In the battle for the homeland, it seems that the Syrian leadership, and after two and a half years, is making progress on the battlefield. And here if I might ask you, why have you chosen to move from defense to attack? And don’t you think that you have been late in taking the decision to go on the offensive, and consequently incurred heavy losses, if we take of Al-Qseir as an example.

President Assad: It is not a question of defense or attack. Every battle has its own tactics. From the beginning, we did not deal with each situation from a military perspective alone. We also factored in the social and political aspects as well – many Syrians were misled in the beginning and there were many friendly countries that didn’t understand the domestic dynamics. Your actions will differ according to how much consensus there is over a particular issue. There is no doubt that as events have unfolded Syrians have been able to better understand the situation and what is really at stake. This has helped the Armed Forces to better carry out their duties and achieve results. So, what is happening now is not a shift in tactic from defense to attack, but rather a shift in the balance of power in favor of the Armed Forces.

Al-Manar: How has this balance been tipped, Mr. President? Syria is being criticized for asking for the assistance of foreign fighters, and to be fully candid, it is said that Hezbollah fighters are extending assistance. In a previous interview, you said that there are 23 million Syrians; we do not need help from anyone else. What is Hezbollah doing in Syria?

President Assad: The main reason for tipping the balance is the change in people’s opinion in areas that used to incubate armed groups, not necessarily due to lack of patriotism on their part, but because they were deceived. They were led to believe that there was a revolution against the failings of the state. This has changed; many individuals have left these terrorist groups and have returned to their normal lives. As to what is being said about Hezbollah and the participation of foreign fighters alongside the Syrian Army, this is a hugely important issue and has several factors. Each of these factors should be clearly understood. Hezbollah, the battle at Al-Qseir and the recent Israeli airstrike – these three factors cannot be looked at in isolation of the other, they are all a part of the same issue. Let’s be frank. In recent weeks, and particularly after Mr. Hasan Nasrallah’s speech, Arab and foreign media have said that Hezbollah fighters are fighting in Syria and defending the Syrian state, or to use their words “the regime.” Logically speaking, if Hezbollah or the resistance wanted to defend Syria by sending fighters, how many could they send – a few hundred, a thousand or two? We are talking about a battle in which hundreds of thousands of Syrian troops are involved against tens of thousands of terrorists, if not more because of the constant flow of fighters from neighboring and foreign countries that support those terrorists. So clearly, the number of fighters Hezbollah might contribute in order to defend the Syrian state in its battle, would be a drop in the ocean compared to the number of Syrian soldiers fighting the terrorists. When also taking into account the vast expanse of Syria, these numbers will neither protect a state nor ‘regime.’ This is from one perspective. From another, if they say they are defending the state, why now? Battles started after Ramadan in 2011 and escalated into 2012, the summer of 2012 to be precise. They started the battle to “liberate Damascus” and set a zero hour for the first time, the second time and a third time; the four generals were assassinated, a number of individuals fled Syria, and many people believed that was the time the state would collapse. It didn’t. Nevertheless, during all of these times, Hezbollah never intervened, so why would it intervene now? More importantly, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah fighting in Damascus and Aleppo? The more significant battles are in Damascus and in Aleppo, not in Al-Qseir. Al-Qseir is a small town in Homs, why haven’t we seen Hezbollah in the city of Homs? Clearly, all these assumptions are inaccurate. They say Al-Qseir is a strategic border town, but all the borders are strategic for the terrorists in order to smuggle in their fighters and weapons. So, all these propositions have nothing to do with Hezbollah. If we take into account the moans and groans of the Arab media, the statements made by Arab and foreign officials – even Ban Ki-moon expressed concern over Hezbollah in Al-Qseir – all of this is for the objective of suppressing and stifling the resistance. It has nothing to do with defending the Syrian state. The Syrian army has made significant achievements in Damascus, Aleppo, rural Damascus and many other areas; however, we haven’t heard the same moaning as we have heard in Al-Qseir.


Al-Manar: But, Mr. President, the nature of the battle that you and Hezbollah are waging in Al-Qseir seems, to your critics, to take the shape of a safe corridor connecting the coastal region with Damascus. Consequently, if Syria were to be divided, or if geographical changes were to be enforced, this would pave the way for an Alawite state. So, what is the nature of this battle, and how is it connected with the conflict with Israel.

President Assad: First, the Syrian and Lebanese coastal areas are not connected through Al-Qseir. Geographically this is not possible. Second, nobody would fight a battle in order to move towards separation. If you opt for separation, you move towards that objective without waging battles all over the country in order to be pushed into a particular corner. The nature of the battle does not indicate that we are heading for division, but rather the opposite, we are ensuring we remain a united country. Our forefathers rejected the idea of division when the French proposed this during their occupation of Syria because at the time they were very aware of its consequences. Is it possible or even fathomable that generations later, we their children, are less aware or mindful? Once again, the battle in Al-Qseir and all the bemoaning is related to Israel. The timing of the battle in Al-Qseir was synchronized with the Israeli airstrike. Their objective is to stifle the resistance. This is the same old campaign taking on a different form. Now what’s important is not al-Qseir as a town, but the borders; they want to stifle the resistance from land and from the sea. Here the question begs itself – some have said that the resistance should face the enemy and consequently remain in the south. This was said on May 7, 2008, when some of Israel’s agents in Lebanon tried to tamper with the communications system of the resistance; they claimed that the resistance turned its weapons inwards. They said the same thing about the Syrian Army; that the Syrian Army should fight on the borders with Israel. We have said very clearly that our Army will fight the enemy wherever it is. When the enemy is in the north, we move north; the same applies if the enemy comes from the east or the west. This is also the case for Hezbollah. So the question is why is Hezbollah deployed on the borders inside Lebanon or inside Syria? The answer is that our battle is a battle against the Israeli enemy and its proxies inside Syria or inside Lebanon.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, if I might ask about Israel’s involvement in the Syrian crisis through the recent airstrike against Damascus. Israel immediately attached certain messages to this airstrike by saying it doesn’t want escalation or doesn’t intend to interfere in the Syrian crisis. The question is: what does Israel want and what type of interference?

President Assad: This is exactly my point. Everything that is happening at the moment is aimed, first and foremost, at stifling the resistance. Israel’s support of the terrorists was for two purposes. The first is to stifle the resistance; the second is to strike the Syrian air defense systems. It is not interested in anything else.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, since Israel’s objectives are clear, the Syrian state was criticized for its muted response. Everyone was expecting a Syrian response, and the Syrian government stated that it reserves the right to respond at the appropriate time and place. Why didn’t the response come immediately? And is it enough for a senior source to say that missiles have been directed at the Israeli enemy and that any attack will be retaliated immediately without resorting to Army command?

President Assad: We have informed all the Arab and foreign parties – mostly foreign – that contacted us, that we will respond the next time. Of course, there has been more than one response. There have been several Israeli attempted violations to which there was immediate retaliation. But these short-term responses have no real value; they are only of a political nature. If we want to respond to Israel, the response will be of strategic significance.

Al-Manar: How? By opening the Golan front, for instance?

President Assad: This depends on public opinion, whether there is a consensus in support of the resistance or not. That’s the question. Al-Manar: How is the situation in Syria now?

President Assad: In fact, there is clear popular pressure to open the Golan front to resistance. This enthusiasm is also on the Arab level; we have received many Arab delegations wanting to know how young people might be enrolled to come and fight Israel. Of course, resistance is not easy. It is not merely a question of opening the front geographically. It is a political, ideological, and social issue, with the net result being military action.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, if we take into account the incident on the Golan Heights and Syria’s retaliation on the Israeli military vehicle that crossed the combat line, does this mean that the rules of engagement have changed? And if the rules of the game have changed, what is the new equation, so to speak?

President Assad: Real change in the rules of engagement happens when there is a popular condition pushing for resistance. Any other change is short-term, unless we are heading towards war. Any response of any kind might only appear to be a change to the rules of engagement, but I don’t think it really is. The real change is when the people move towards resistance; this is the really dramatic change.

Al-Manar: Don’t you think that this is a little late? After 40 years of quiet and a state of truce on the Golan Heights, now there is talk of a movement on that front, about new equations and about new rules of the game?

President Assad: They always talk about Syria opening the front or closing the front. A state does not create resistance. Resistance can only be called so, when it is popular and spontaneous, it cannot be created. The state can either support or oppose the resistance, – or create obstacles, as is the case with some Arab countries. I believe that a state that opposes the will of its people for resistance is reckless. The issue is not that Syria has decided, after 40 years, to move in this direction. The public’s state of mind is that our National Army is carrying out its duties to protect and liberate our land. Had there not been an army, as was the situation in Lebanon when the army and the state were divided during the civil war, there would have been resistance a long time ago. Today, in the current circumstances, there are a number of factors pushing in that direction. First, there are repeated Israeli aggressions that constitute a major factor in creating this desire and required incentive. Second, the army’s engagement in battles in more than one place throughout Syria has created a sentiment on the part of many civilians that it is their duty to move in this direction in order to support the Armed Forces on the Golan.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, Benjamin Netanyahu said that Israel would not hesitate to attack Syria if it detected that weapons are being conveyed to Hezbollah in Lebanon. If Israel carried out its threats, I want a direct answer from you: what would Syria do?

President Assad: As I have said, we have informed the relevant states that we will respond in kind. Of course, it is difficult to specify the military means that would be used, that is for our military command to decide. We plan for different scenarios, depending on the circumstances and the timing of the strike that would determine which method or weapons.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, after the airstrike that targeted Damascus, there was talk about the S300 missiles and that this missile system will tip the balance. Based on this argument, Netanyahu visited Moscow. My direct question is this: are these missiles on their way to Damascus? Is Syria now in possession of these missiles?

President Assad: It is not our policy to talk publically about military issues in terms of what we possess or what we receive. As far as Russia is concerned, the contracts have nothing to do with the crisis. We have negotiated with them on different kinds of weapons for years, and Russia is committed to honoring these contracts. What I want to say is that neither Netanyahu’s visit nor the crisis and the conditions surrounding it have influenced arms imports. All of our agreements with Russia will be implemented, some have been implemented during the past period and, together with the Russians, we will continue to implement these contracts in the future.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, we have talked about the steadfastness of the Syrian leadership and the Syrian state. We have discussed the progress being achieved on the battlefield, and strengthening the alliance between Syria and the resistance. These are all within the same front. From another perspective, there is diplomatic activity stirring waters that have been stagnant for two and a half years. Before we talk about this and about the Geneva conference and the red lines that Syria has drawn, there was a simple proposition or a simple solution suggested by the former head of the coalition, Muaz al-Khatib. He said that the president, together with 500 other dignitaries would be allowed to leave the country within 20 days, and the crisis would be over. Why don’t you meet this request and put an end to the crisis?

President Assad: I have always talked about the basic principle: that the Syrian people alone have the right to decide whether the president should remain or leave. So, anybody speaking on this subject should state which part of the Syrian people they represent and who granted them the authority to speak on their behalf. As for this initiative, I haven’t actually read it, but I was very happy that they allowed me 20 days and 500 people! I don’t know who proposed the initiative; I don’t care much about names.


Al-Manar: He actually said that you would be given 20 days, 500 people, and no guarantees. You’ll be allowed to leave but with no guarantee whatsoever on whether legal action would be taken against you or not. Mr. President, this brings us to the negotiations, I am referring to Geneva 2. The Syrian government and leadership have announced initial agreement to take part in this conference. If this conference is held, there will be a table with the Syrian flag on one side and the flag of the opposition groups on the other. How can you convince the Syrian people after two and a half years of crisis that you will sit face to face at the same negotiating table with these groups?

President Assad: First of all, regarding the flag, it is meaningless without the people it represents. When we put a flag on a table or anywhere else, we talk about the people represented by that flag. This question can be put to those who raise flags they call Syrian but are different from the official Syrian flag. So, this flag has no value when it does not represent the people. Secondly, we will attend this conference as the official delegation and legitimate representatives of the Syrian people. But, whom do they represent? When the conference is over, we return to Syria, we return home to our people. But when the conference is over, whom do they return to – five-star hotels? Or to the foreign ministries of the states that they represent – which doesn’t include Syria of course – in order to submit their reports? Or do they return to the intelligence services of those countries? So, when we attend this conference, we should know very clearly the positions of some of those sitting at the table – and I say some because the conference format is not clear yet and as such we do not have details as to how the patriotic Syrian opposition will be considered or the other opposition parties in Syria. As for the opposition groups abroad and their flag, we know that we are attending the conference not to negotiate with them, but rather with the states that back them; it will appear as though we are negotiating with the slaves, but essentially we are negotiating with their masters. This is the truth, we shouldn’t deceive ourselves.

Al-Manar: Are you, in the Syrian leadership, convinced that these negotiations will be held next month?

President Assad: We expect them to happen, unless they are obstructed by other states. As far as we are concerned in Syria, we have announced a couple of days ago that we agree in principle to attend.

Al-Manar: When you say in principle, it seems that you are considering other options.

President Assad: In principle, we are in favour of the conference as a notion, but there are no details yet. For example, will there be conditions placed before the conference? If so, these conditions may be unacceptable and we would not attend. So the idea of the conference, of a meeting, in principle is a good one. We will have to wait and see.

Al-Manar: Let’s talk, Mr. President, about the conditions put by the Syrian leadership. What are Syria’s conditions?

President Assad: Simply put, our only condition is that anything agreed upon in any meeting inside or outside the country, including the conference, is subject to the approval of the Syrian people through a popular referendum. This is the only condition. Anything else doesn’t have any value. That is why we are comfortable with going to the conference. We have no complexes. Either side can propose anything, but nothing can be implemented without the approval of the Syrian people. And as long as we are the legitimate representatives of the people, we have nothing to fear.

Al-Manar: Let’s be clear, Mr. President. There is a lot of ambiguity in Geneva 1 and Geneva 2 about the transitional period and the role of President Bashar al-Assad in that transitional period. Are you prepared to hand over all your authorities to this transitional government? And how do you understand this ambiguous term?

President Assad: This is what I made clear in the initiative I proposed in January this year. They say they want a transitional government in which the president has no role. In Syria we have a presidential system, where the President is head of the republic and the Prime Minister heads the government. They want a government with broad authorities. The Syrian constitution gives the government full authorities. The president is the commander-in-chief of the Army and Armed Forces and the head of the Supreme Judicial Council. All the other institutions report directly to the government. Changing the authorities of the president is subject to changing the constitution; the president cannot just relinquish his authorities, he doesn’t have the constitutional right. Changing the constitution requires a popular referendum. When they want to propose such issues, they might be discussed in the conference, and when we agree on something – if we agree, we return home and put it to a popular referendum and then move on. But for them to ask for the amendment of the constitution in advance, this cannot be done neither by the president nor by the government.

Al-Manar: Frankly, Mr. President, all the international positions taken against you and all your political opponents said that they don’t want a role for al-Assad in Syria’s future. This is what the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal said and this is what the Turks and the Qataris said, and also the Syrian opposition. Will President Assad be nominated for the forthcoming presidential elections in 2014?

President Assad: What I know is that Saud al-Faisal is a specialist in American affairs, I don’t know if he knows anything about Syrian affairs. If he wants to learn, that’s fine! As to the desires of others, I repeat what I have said earlier: the only desires relevant are those of the Syrian people. With regards to the nomination, some parties have said that it is preferable that the president shouldn’t be nominated for the 2014 elections. This issue will be determined closer to the time; it is still too early to discuss this. When the time comes, and I feel, through my meetings and interactions with the Syrian people, that there is a need and public desire for me to nominate myself, I will not hesitate. However, if I feel that the Syrian people do not want me to lead them, then naturally I will not put myself forward. They are wasting their time on such talk.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, you mentioned the Saudi foreign minister Saud al-Faisal. This makes me ask about Syria’s relationship with Saudi Arabia, with Qatar, with Turkey, particularly if we take into account that their recent position in the Arab ministerial committee was relatively moderate. They did not directly and publically call for the ouster of President Assad. Do you feel any change or any support on the part of these countries for a political solution to the Syrian crisis? And is Syria prepared to deal once more with the Arab League, taking into account that the Syrian government asked for an apology from the Arab League?

President Assad: Concerning the Arab states, we see brief changes in their rhetoric but not in their actions. The countries that support the terrorists have not changed; they are still supporting terrorism to the same extent. Turkey also has not made any positive steps. As for Qatar, their role is also the same, the role of the funder – the bank funding the terrorists and supporting them through Turkey. So, overall, no change. As for the Arab League, in Syria we have never pinned our hopes on the Arab League. Even in the past decades, we were barely able to dismantle the mines set for us in the different meetings, whether in the summits or in meetings of the foreign ministers. So in light of this and its recent actions, can we really expect it to play a role? We are open to everybody, we never close our doors. But we should also be realistic and face the truth that they are unable to offer anything, particularly since a significant number of the Arab states are not independent. They receive their orders from the outside. Some of them are sympathetic to us in their hearts, but they cannot act on their feelings because they are not in possession of their decisions. So, no, we do not pin any hopes on the Arab League.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, this leads us to ask: if the Arab environment is as such, and taking into account the developments on the ground and the steadfastness, the Geneva conference and the negotiations, the basic question is: what if the political negotiations fail? What are the consequences of the failure of political negotiations?

President Assad: This is quite possible, because there are states that are obstructing the meeting in principle, and they are going only to avoid embarrassment. They are opposed to any dialogue whether inside or outside Syria. Even the Russians, in several statements, have dampened expectations from this conference. But we should also be accurate in defining this dialogue, particularly in relation to what is happening on the ground. Most of the factions engaged in talking about what is happening in Syria have no influence on the ground; they don’t even have direct relationships with the terrorists. In some instances these terrorists are directly linked with the states that are backing them, in other cases, they are mere gangs paid to carry out terrorist activities. So, the failure of the conference will not significantly change the reality inside Syria, because these states will not stop supporting the terrorists – conference or no conference, and the gangs will not stop their subversive activities. So it has no impact on them.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, the events in Syria are spilling over to neighboring countries. We see what’s happening in Iraq, the explosions in Al-Rihaniye in Turkey and also in Lebanon. In Ersal, Tripoli, Hezbollah taking part in the fighting in Al-Qseir. How does Syria approach the situation in Lebanon, and do you think the Lebanese policy of dissociation is still applied or accepted?

President Assad: Let me pose some questions based on the reality in Syria and in Lebanon about the policy of dissociation in order not to be accused of making a value judgment on whether this policy is right or wrong. Let’s start with some simple questions: Has Lebanon been able to prevent Lebanese interference in Syria? Has it been able to prevent the smuggling of terrorists or weapons into Syria or providing a safe haven for them in Lebanon? It hasn’t; in fact, everyone knows that Lebanon has contributed negatively to the Syrian crisis. Most recently, has Lebanon been able to protect itself against the consequences of the Syrian crisis, most markedly in Tripoli and the missiles that have been falling over different areas of Beirut or its surroundings? It hasn’t. So what kind of dissociation are we talking about? For Lebanon to dissociate itself from the crisis is one thing, and for the government to dissociate itself is another. When the government dissociates itself from a certain issue that affects the interests of the Lebanese people, it is in fact dissociating itself from the Lebanese citizens. I’m not criticizing the Lebanese government – I’m talking about general principles. I don’t want it to be said that I’m criticizing this government. If the Syrian government were to dissociate itself from issues that are of concern to the Syrian people, it would also fail. So in response to your question with regards to Lebanon’s policy of dissociation, we don’t believe this is realistically possible. When my neighbor’s house is on fire, I cannot say that it’s none of my business because sooner or later the fire will spread to my house.

Al-Manar: Mr. President, what would you say to the supporters of the axis of resistance? We are celebrating the anniversary of the victory of the resistance and the liberation of south Lebanon, in an atmosphere of promises of victory, which Mr. Hasan Nasrallah has talked about. You are saying with great confidence that you will emerge triumphant from this crisis. What would you say to all this audience? Are we about to reach the end of this dark tunnel?

President Assad: I believe that the greatest victory achieved by the Arab resistance movements in the past years and decades is primarily an intellectual victory. This resistance wouldn’t have been able to succeed militarily if they hadn’t been able to succeed and stand fast against a campaign aimed at distorting concepts and principles in this region. Before the civil war in Lebanon, some people used to say that Lebanon’s strength lies in its weakness; this is similar to saying that a man’s intelligence lies in his stupidity, or that honor is maintained through corruption. This is an illogical contradiction. The victories of the resistance at different junctures proved that this concept is not true, and it showed that Lebanon’s weakness lies in its weakness and Lebanon’s strength lies in its strength. Lebanon’s strength is in its resistance and these resistance fighters you referred to. Today, more than ever before, we are in need of these ideas, of this mindset, of this steadfastness and of these actions carried out by the resistance fighters. The events in the Arab world during the past years have distorted concepts to the extent that some Arabs have forgotten that the real enemy is still Israel and have instead created internal, sectarian, regional or national enemies. Today we pin our hopes on these resistance fighters to remind the Arab people, through their achievements, that our enemy is still the same. As for my confidence in victory, if we weren’t so confident we wouldn’t have been able to stand fast or to continue this battle after two years of a global attack. This is not a tripartite attack like the one in 1956; it is in fact a global war waged against Syria and the resistance. We have absolute confidence in our victory, and I assure them that Syria will always remain, even more so than before, supportive of the resistance and resistance fighters everywhere in the Arab world.

Al-Manar: In conclusion, it has been my great honor to conduct this interview with Your Excellency, President Bashar al-Assad of the Syrian Arab Republic. Thank you very much. President Assad: You are welcome. I would like to congratulate Al-Manar channel, the channel of resistance, on the anniversary of the liberation and to congratulate the Lebanese people and every resistance fighter in Lebanon.

Al-Manar: Thank you.

أكد السيد الرئيس بشار الأسد أن المعارك التي يخوضها الجيش العربي السوري تهدف إلى الحفاظ على وحدة سورية وأنه ليس لدى سورية أي شروط لحل الأزمة سوى أن يتم تنفيذ كل شيء على خلفية أي لقاء سواء كان داخليا أو خارجيا بما فيه المؤتمر حول الأزمة في سورية بعد أن يخضع لرأي الشعب السوري والاستفتاء عليه.

وأشار الرئيس الأسد في مقابلة مع قناة المنار بثته الليلة إلى أن تدخل إسرائيل مع الإرهابيين أو دعمها لهم يهدف إلى شيئين أولا خنق المقاومة وثانيا ضرب الدفاعات الجوية السورية وأن سورية أبلغت كل الجهات التي اتصلت بها العربية والأجنبية بأنها سترد على أي اعتداء إسرائيلي في المرة القادمة.

وتنشر سانا فيما يلي النص الكامل لمقابلة الرئيس الأسد مع قناة المنار..

المذيعة.. السلام عليكم سيادة الرئيس ..

السيد الرئيس.. وعليكم السلام.. أهلا وسهلا بك في دمشق

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس نحن الآن في قلب قصر الشعب.. بعد عامين ونصف العام على الأزمة السورية كان الرهان أن سيادة الرئيس وأن النظام يتم الانقلاب عليه خلال أسابيع.. كيف أفشلت مخططات الخصوم والأعداء… ما سر الصمود…

السيد الرئيس.. هناك أكثر من جانب.. هناك الجانب السوري الذي أفشل المخطط.. وهناك الجانب المتعلق بالمخططين وهم أفشلوا أنفسهم.. أفشلوا أنفسهم أولا بعدم معرفة الوضع في سورية.. عدم قراءة الوضع في سورية بشكل دقيق.. فانطلقوا في البداية من خلال عناوين الثورة.. الثورة بحاجة لعوامل موضوعية.. لا يمكن أن تصنع ثورة بأموال.. فلم يتمكنوا من تحقيق هذه الظروف التي تهيىء لثورة حقيقية.

انتقلوا لطرح المفاهيم الطائفية أو العناوين الطائفية بهدف خلق شرخ داخل المجتمع السوري.. تمكنوا من الدخول إلى بعض الزوايا الموجودة في المجتمع السوري وهي موجودة في أي مجتمع.. زوايا من الجهل وضعف الوعي.. ولكن بالمحصلة لم يتمكنوا من خلق هذا الشرخ بشكل حقيقي.. ولو وجد هذا الشرخ لتقسمت سورية منذ البدايات.

المعركة هي معركة وطن وليست معركة كرسي.. لا أحد يقاتل ويستشهد من أجل كرسي لأي شخص

استخدموا عنوانا آخر.. وهو أن ما يحصل هو صراع من أجل الكرسي.. لكنهم وقعوا في فخهم أيضا.. الحقيقة كان واضحا بأن القضية ليست قضية كرسي.. وبأن المعركة هي معركة وطن وليست معركة كرسي.. لا أحد يقاتل ويستشهد من أجل كرسي لأي شخص.

سؤال.. بمعركة الوطن سيادة الرئيس يبدو أن القيادة السورية بعد عامين ونصف العام تحرز تقدما في الميدان.. وهنا يحضر السؤال عن أنه لماذا بعد عامين ونصف العام اخترتم الانتقال من مرحلة الدفاع إلى مرحلة الهجوم.. وألا تعتقدون أنكم تأخرتم حتى تم اتخاذ قرار الهجوم وبالتالي أصبحت التكلفة باهظة.. اذا ما استحضرنا على سبيل المثال سيادة الرئيس نموذج القصير…

السيد الرئيس.. نحن لم نعتمد فكرة الدفاع أو الهجوم والتكتيك العسكري الذي يعتمد على كل معركة صغيرة بشكل منعزل.. كنا نتعامل مع الحالة وليس مع الجانب العسكري فقط.. كنا نتعامل مع الموضوع بجوانبه المختلفة.. هناك الجانب السياسي.. هناك الجانب الاجتماعي.. هناك الكثير من السوريين غرر بهم في البدايات.. هناك الكثير من الدول الصديقة في الخارج التي لم تكن تفهم الموضوع في الداخل.. لم يكن بالإمكان القيام بنفس الأعمال عندما لا يكون هناك إجماع حول قضية معينة.. لا شك في أن تطور الأحداث ساعد السوريين على فهم الذي يحصل.. فهم حقيقة الأمور.. وهذا ساعد القوات المسلحة أكثر للقيام بواجباتها وبإنجازاتها.. فما يحصل الآن هو ليس انتقالا من الدفاع إلى الهجوم.. وإنما هو انقلاب موازين القوى لمصلحة القوات المسلحة.

سؤال.. كيف انقلبت موازين القوى سيادة الرئيس… يقال.. ويؤخذ على سورية أنها تستعين بمقاتلين من الخارج.. هنا فلنسم الأشياء بأسمائها.. تتم حاليا الاستعانة بمقاتلي حزب الله.. علما بأنه في مقابلات سابقة تحدثت وقلت نحن 23 مليون سوري لسنا بحاجة إلى أحد.. ماذا يفعل حزب الله في سورية…

السيد الرئيس.. أول سبب لانقلاب الموازين هو انقلاب الحاضنة.. كانت هناك حاضنة في بعض المناطق للمسلحين.. أؤكد أن الدافع لم يكن قلة وطنية.. وإنما قلة معرفة.. هناك الكثير من الأشخاص الذين خدعوا.. اعتقدوا أن هذه ثورة ضد السلبيات الموجودة.. انقلبت هذه الحاضنة.. هناك العديد من المسلحين انسحبوا من هذه المجموعات الإرهابية.. وعادوا إلى الحياة الطبيعية.. فهذا هو السبب الأساسي.. بالنسبة لي ما يطرح الآن حول موضوع حزب الله.. ومشاركة مقاتلين من خارج سورية مع الدولة.. هذا الموضوع كبير جدا وله عدة عناصر.. واذا أردنا أن نشرحه فلابد أن أشرح كل العناصر المرتبطة به.. لا نستطيع أن نفصل ما طرح مؤخرا عن موضوع حزب الله.. ومعركة القصير والضربة الإسرائيلية.. ثلاثة عناصر لقضية واحدة.. دعيني أتحدث بصراحة.. مؤخرا.. وخاصة بعد الخطاب الأخير للسيد حسن نصرالله.. طرح في الإعلام العربي والأجنبي.. بأن مقاتلي حزب الله يقاتلون في سورية ويدافعون عن الدولة السورية.. طبعا بين قوسين بلغتهم “نظام”.. نحن نقول يوجد دولة.. لا يوجد نظام.

لنتحدث بشكل منطقي.. إذا كان حزب الله أو المقاومة تريد أن تدافع عن سورية.. فإنها سترسل عددا من المقاتلين.. كم ترسل… بضع مئات.. ألف.. ألفين.. نحن نتحدث عن معركة فيها مئات الآلاف من الجيش السوري وعشرات الآلاف من الإرهابيين إن لم يكن أكثر من مئة ألف لأن تغذية الإرهابيين مستمرة من الدول المجاورة والدول التي تدعمها من الخارج.. فهذا العدد الذي يمكن أن يسهم فيه الحزب بالدفاع عن الدولة في معركتها.. مقارنة بعدد الإرهابيين والجيش.. ومقارنة بالمساحة السورية.. لا يحمي نظاما.. ولا دولة.. هذا من جانب.. إذا قالوا انه يدافع عن الدولة أيضا.. لماذا اليوم.. لماذا هذا التوقيت.. المعارك ابتدأت بعد رمضان عام 2011 وتصاعدت حتى وصلنا إلى عام 2012 صيف عام 2012 وبدؤوا معركة تحرير دمشق.. وكانت هناك ساعة صفر أولى وثانية وثالثة.. وتم اغتيال الضباط الأربعة.. وحصلت عدة عمليات فرار من الدولة في سورية.. وكان الكثير يعتقد أن ذلك الوقت هو وقت سقوط الدولة.. ولم تسقط.. ومع ذلك لم يتدخل حزب الله في ذلك الوقت.. فلماذا سيتدخل الآن… هذا جانب آخر.. وهناك جانب أهم.. لماذا لم نر حزب الله في دمشق وفي حلب.. المعركة الأكبر في دمشق وفي حلب وليست في القصير.. القصير مدينة صغيرة.. لماذا لم نره في حمص… كل هذه المعطيات غير دقيقة.. القصير استراتيجية… كل الحدود استراتيجية بالنسبة للإرهابيين.. كل الحدود تستخدم لتسريب السلاح والإرهابيين.. فلا علاقة لكل هذه العناوين التي طرحت بموضوع حزب الله.. إذا ربطنا ما طرح الآن.. النواح والعويل الذي نسمعه الآن في الإعلام العربي وبتصريحات المسؤولين العرب والأجانب.. حتى بان كي مون أصبح قلقا من تدخل حزب الله في القصير.. هذا كله مرتبط بعملية خنق المقاومة.. ليس له علاقة بالدفاع عن الدولة السورية.. الجيش السوري حقق إنجازات كبيرة جدا في حلب ودمشق وريف دمشق.. ولكن لم نسمع هذا النواح الذي سمعناه الآن في القصير.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. طبيعة المعركة التي تقومون بها أنتم وحزب الله في القصير.. يؤخذ عليكم أن هذه المعارك تأخذ طابع إقامة ممر آمن يربط الساحل السوري بدمشق.. وبالتالي هو تمهيد لإقامة دولة علوية في حال فرض التقسيم أو تغييرات جغرافية في المنطقة.. طبيعة هذه المعارك أيضا.. إذا كنت تريد أن تتحدث عنها وتربطها بالصراع مع إسرائيل…

لا أحد يخوض معارك ليذهب باتجاه التقسيم..هذه المعارك هي معارك الحفاظ على وحدة سورية وليس العكس

السيد الرئيس.. الساحل السوري واللبناني لا يمر عبر القصير من الناحية الجغرافية.. لذلك فهذا الكلام غير منطقي. النقطة الثانية.. لا أحد يخوض معارك ليذهب باتجاه التقسيم. إذا أردت التقسيم فلتذهب باتجاه التقسيم.. ولكن لا تخوض معارك في كل البقاع السورية وفي مختلف أنحاء سورية لكي تذهب باتجاه زاوية محددة.. سير المعارك لا يوحي بأن هناك من يسعى للتقسيم في الدولة السورية.. بالعكس تماما.. هذه المعارك هي معارك الحفاظ على وحدة سورية وليس العكس.


النقطة الثانية.. أجدادنا جربوا هذا الموضوع مع الفرنسيين عندما طرحت فرنسا تقسيم سورية.. وكانوا واعين لهذا الموضوع منذ عقود. هل من الممكن أن نكون نحن كأحفاد بعد عقود أقل وعيا… المعركة.. وكل ما يحصل الآن في القصير.. وكل ما نسمعه من عويل مرتبط بالموضوع الإسرائيلي.. توقيت معركة القصير مرتبط مع الضربة الإسرائيلية.. المطلوب هو خنق المقاومة.. هذه المعركة القديمة الجديدة.. كل مرة تأخذ شكلا من الأشكال.. الآن ليس المهم هو القصير كمدينة.. وإنما المهم هو الحدود.. المطلوب خنق المقاومة برا وبحرا.. لذلك هنا يطرح سؤال.. يقال إن المقاومة يجب أن توجه سلاحها باتجاه العدو وبالتالي باتجاه الجنوب.. قيل هذا الكلام في 7 أيار.. عندما حاول البعض من عملاء إسرائيل في لبنان أن يستولوا على اتصالات المقاومة.. فقالوا إن المقاومة حولت سلاحها باتجاه الداخل. قالوا نفس الكلام عن الجيش السوري.. وبأنه يجب أن يقاتل على الحدود مع إسرائيل.. نحن قلنا بشكل واضح جدا ان الجيش يقاتل العدو أينما وجد.. عندما يأتي العدو من الشمال نتحرك باتجاه الشمال أو الشرق أو الغرب.. نفس الشيء بالنسبة للمقاومة.. لماذا يتواجد حزب الله على الحدود داخل لبنان أو داخل سورية… لأن المعركة هي معركة مع العدو الإسرائيلي أو مع وكلائه في سورية أو في لبنان.

سؤال.. دخول إسرائيل.. سيادة الرئيس.. على معادلة الأزمة السورية.. مؤخرا من خلال الغارات الإسرائيلية التي شنت على دمشق.. إسرائيل مباشرة ربطت هذه الغارات برسائل مفادها أنها لا تريد حربا تصعيدية.. ولا تريد التدخل بالأزمة السورية.. ما الذي تريده إسرائيل.. وأي نوع من التدخل بالمعادلة السورية…

تدخل إسرائيل مع الإرهابيين أو دعمها للإرهاببين كان يهدف لشيئين أولا.. خنق المقاومة.. وثانيا.. ضرب الدفاعات الجوية السورية

السيد الرئيس.. هذا يؤكد ما أقوله.. بأن العملية مرتبطة بخنق المقاومة بالدرجة الأولى.. حتى تدخل إسرائيل مع الإرهابيين أو دعمها للإرهاببين كان يهدف لشيئين أولا.. خنق المقاومة.. وثانيا.. ضرب الدفاعات الجوية السورية.. وهذا يؤكد أن إسرائيل تسعى لتحقيق الهدفين ولا يهمها الباقي.

سؤال.. طالما.. سيادة الرئيس.. أهداف إسرائيل واضحة.. أخذ على القيادة في سورية وعلى الدولة السورية الرد الضعيف.. كان الكل يترقب الرد السوري.. كان هناك تصريح للحكومة السورية “نحتفظ بحق الرد في المكان والزمان المناسبين”.. لماذا لم يكن الرد مباشرة وتلقائيا… وهل يكفي ما سرب عن مصدر رفيع أن الصواريخ وجهت إلى العدو الإسرائيلي.. وأن أي اعتداء سيقابل بالرد دون الرجوع إلى القيادة…

السيد الرئيس.. نحن أبلغنا كل الجهات التي اتصلت معنا العربية والأجنبية.. وأغلبها أجنبية.. بأننا سنرد في المرة القادمة.. طبعا حصل هناك أكثر من رد.. كانت هناك محاولات خرق إسرائيلية وتم الرد عليها بشكل مباشر.. لكن الرد المؤقت ليس له قيمة.. يكون ردا ذا طابع سياسي.. نحن إذا أردنا أن نرد على إسرائيل.. فيجب أن يكون ردا استراتيجيا.

سؤال.. كيف… عبر فتح جبهة الجولان مثلا…

السيد الرئيس.. هذا يعتمد أولا على الحالة الشعبية.. هل تسير الحالة الشعبية باتجاه المقاومة أم لا… هذا هو السؤال

سؤال.. كيف تسير الأمور الآن في سورية…

هناك ضغط شعبي واضح باتجاه فتح جبهة الجولان للمقاومة

السيد الرئيس.. الحقيقة هناك ضغط شعبي واضح باتجاه فتح جبهة الجولان للمقاومة.. وهناك حماس حتى عربي.. من وفود عربية أتت إلى سورية.. عملية المقاومة ليست عملية بسيطة.. ليست هي فقط فتح.. بالمعنى الجغرافي.. هي قضية سياسية عقائدية اجتماعية.. وبالمحصلة تكون قضية عسكرية.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. إذا ما أخذنا بعين الاعتبار ما حدث في الجولان من ناحية استهداف الآلية العسكرية التي تخطت خط الاشتباك.. هل هذا يعني أننا أمام تغيير بقواعد اللعبة.. بقواعد الاشتباك… وإن كنا أمام تغيير في قواعد اللعبة.. ما هذه المعادلة إذا صح التعبير…

السيد الرئيس.. التغير الحقيقي في قواعد الاشتباك هو عندما تكون هناك حالة شعبية تسعى باتجاه المقاومة.. أي تغيير آخر هو تغيير مؤقت.. إلا إذا ذهبنا باتجاه الحرب.. أي رد من أي نوع يكون معنويا.. أو بالظاهر تغييرا في قواعد الاشتباك.. لكن لا اعتقد أنه كذلك.. التغيير الحقيقي هو أن يذهب الشعب باتجاه المقاومة.. هذا هو التغير الجذري والدراماتيكي إذا أردنا أن نسميه كذلك.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. ألا تعتقد أن هذا الكلام جاء متأخرا… لماذا بعد أربعين عاما.. كانت هناك تهدئة وهدنة في الجولان.. الآن يتم الحديث عن تحريك هذه الجبهة.. عن معادلات جديدة.. وعن قواعد لعبة جديدة…

السيد الرئيس.. هم يتحدثون دائما عن أن سورية تغلق الجبهة أو تفتح الجبهة.. الدولة لا تخلق مقاومة.. إن لم تكن المقاومة عفوية وشعبية فهي ليست مقاومة.. ولا يمكن أن تصنع.. الدولة إما تدعم أو تعرقل المقاومة كما يحصل في عدد من الدول العربية.. لكن أعتقد أن الدولة التي تقف في وجه المقاومة هي دولة متهورة.. فليست القضية أن سورية قررت بعد أربعين عاما أن تذهب بهذا الاتجاه.. هناك جيش يقوم بواجبه.. وبالتالي الحالة الفكرية بالنسبة للمواطنين بأن هناك من يقوم بهذا الواجب.. يعمل من أجل تحرير الأرض.. لو لم يكن هناك جيش كما حصل في لبنان عندما كان هناك جيش منقسم ودولة منقسمة خلال الحرب الأهلية.. لكانت ظهرت المقاومة منذ زمن طويل.. الآن في هذه الظروف هناك عدة عوامل تدفع بهذا الاتجاه أولا.. الاعتداءات الإسرائيلية المتكررة.. هي عامل أساسي في خلق هذه الرغبة وهذا الدافع.. ثانيا.. انشغال الجيش والقوات المسلحة في أكثر من مكان على الأرض السورية.. وهذا يعطي شعورا لدى الكثير من المواطنين بأنه من واجبنا الآن أن نقوم نحن بالتحرك بهذا الاتجاه لكي ندعم القوات المسلحة على جبهة الجولان.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. نتنياهو قال ان إسرائيل لن تتوانى عن توجيه ضربة إلى دمشق في حال تم رصد نقل أسلحة كاسرة للتوازن إلى حزب الله في لبنان.. في حال نفذت إسرائيل هذه التهديدات.. أريد ردا مباشرا منكم.. ماذا ستفعل سورية…

السيد الرئيس.. كما قلت.. نحن أبلغنا الدول الأخرى بأننا سنرد على الضربة بضربة.. طبعا من الصعب الآن تحديد أي نوع من الوسائل يستخدم من الناحية العسكرية.. هذا متروك للقيادة العسكرية.. ولكن نحن نضع عدة احتمالات.. هذا يعتمد على الظرف في توقيت الضربة.. ما الظرف الذي يسمح باستخدام طريقة معينة أو سلاح معين بحيث يكون أكثر فعالية من سلاح آخر أو من طريقة أخرى.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. بعد الغارة الإسرائيلية الأخيرة على دمشق تم الحديث عن أسلحة الـ اس300 وأنه سلاح كاسر للتوازن.. وفي سياق هذا الموضوع نتنياهو زار موسكو.. سؤال مباشر.. هل هذه الصواريخ في طريقها إلى دمشق… هل هذه الصواريخ باتت سورية تملكها الآن…

كل ما اتفقنا عليه مع روسيا سيتم.. وتم جزء منه  خلال الفترة الماضية.. ونحن والروس مستمرون بتنفيذ عقود توريد السلاح

السيد الرئيس.. نحن لا نعلن عن الموضوع العسكري عادة.. ما الذي يأتينا وما هو موجود لدينا.. ولكن بالنسبة للعقود مع روسيا فهي غير مرتبطة بالأزمة.. نحن نتفاوض معهم على أنواع مختلفة من الأسلحة منذ سنوات.. وروسيا ملتزمة مع سورية بتنفيذ هذه العقود.. ما أريد أن أقوله هو انه لا زيارة نتنياهو ولا الأزمة نفسها وظروفها أثرت في توريد السلاح.. فكل ما اتفقنا عليه مع روسيا سيتم.. وتم جزء منه طبعا خلال الفترة الماضية.. ونحن والروس مستمرون بتنفيذ هذه العقود.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. تحدثنا عن صمود القيادة والدولة السورية.. تحدثنا عن تقدم يتم إحرازه في الميدان.. عن تعزيز التحالف بين سورية والمقاومة.. كل هذا يسير على جبهة.. بالجبهة المقابلة هناك حراك دبلوماسي بالمياه الراكدة منذ عامين ونصف العام.. قبل أن نتحدث وندخل بمحور جنيف والخطوط الحمراء التي تضعها سورية.. كان يوجد طرح بسيط وحل بسيط قدمه رئيس الائتلاف المستقيل معاذ الخطيب.. قال إنه يسمح للرئيس السوري مع 500 شخصية يتم اختيارها خلال عشرين يوما أن يغادروا الأراضي السورية وتنتهي الأزمة.. لماذا لا تلجوءون إلى تلبية هذا المطلب.. وبذلك تنتهي الأزمة…

السيد الرئيس.. أنا دائما كنت أتحدث عن مبدأ أساسي.. وهو أن قرار بقاء الرئيس أو ذهابه مرتبط بالشعب السوري.. فأي شخص يتحدث في هذا الموضوع عليه أن يعلن من يمثل من الشعب السوري.. هل هو مفوض من الشعب السوري أم ماذا… أما بالنسبة لهذه المبادرة.. الحقيقة لم أقرأ هذه المبادرة.. أنا سمعت عنها وكنت سعيدا جدا بأنهم أعطوني 20 يوما و500 شخص.. ولكن لست متأكدا من طرحها هو أم شخص آخر.. فأنا لا أهتم كثيرا بالأسماء.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. بكل الأحوال.. هو طرحها وقال 20 يوما و500 شخصية بلا ضمانات.. يوجد مغادرة إلى الخارج لكن نحن لا نضمن عدم وجود ملاحقة قضائية… بأي حال من الأحوال سيادة الرئيس هذا ما يدخلنا إلى محور المفاوضات.. نحن نتحدث عن مؤتمر “جنيف2” تم إعلان الموافقة المبدئية من القيادة والحكومة السورية على المشاركة بهذا المؤتمر.. كلمة مفاوضات.. في نهاية المطاف توجد طاولة.. إذا ما عقد هذا الاجتماع.. هناك العلم السوري وعلم هذه الجماعات المعارضة.. كيف ستقنع الشعب السوري بعد عامين ونصف العام من الأزمة أنك تجلس جنبا إلى جنب إلى طاولة مفاوضات واحدة مع هذه المجموعات…

نحن نعرف بأننا نذهب لكي نفاوض الدول التي تقف خلف المعارضة وليس لكي نفاوضها.. عندما نفاوض العبد بالمظهر فنحن نفاوض السيد بالمضمون

السيد الرئيس.. أولا.. بالنسبة للعلم دائما أقول.. العلم ليس له معنى إلا بالشعب الذي يمثله.. فعندما نضع علما على الطاولة أو في أي مكان نقول من الشعب الذي يرتبط بهذا العلم.. هذا سؤال نستطيع أن نسأله لمن يريد أن يضع أعلاما.. يسميها سورية.. غير العلم السوري الرسمي.. فلا قيمة لهذا العلم عندما لا يعبر عن شعب.. هذا الجانب الأول.. الجانب الآخر نحن كوفد سنذهب إلى هذا المؤتمر بصفة رسمية ممثلين شرعيين للشعب السوري.. أما هم فمن يمثلون.. نحن عندما ينتهي المؤتمر نعود إلى سورية.. نعود إلى منازلنا.. نعود إلى شعبنا.. أما هم عندما ينتهي المؤتمر فإلى أين سيعودون… إلى فنادق الخمس نجوم.. أم إلى وزارات الخارجية في الدول التي يمثلونها.. غير سورية طبعا.. لكي يقدموا لها التقارير.. أم لمخابرات تلك الدول.. “فلذلك عندما نذهب إلى هذا المؤتمر يجب أن نعرف بشكل واضح أن جزءا من الذين سيجلسون الى الطاولة”.. أنا أقول جزءا لأن صيغة المؤتمر غير واضحة حتى الآن.. ما موقع المعارضة السورية الوطنية.. ما موقع المعارضة والأحزاب الأخرى الموجودة في سورية.. وغيرها من الأسئلة.. ما يتعلق بالمعارضة الخارجية التي تتحدثين عنها وعن علمها.. نحن نعرف بأننا نذهب لكي نفاوض الدول التي تقف خلفها وليس لكي نفاوضها.. عندما نفاوض العبد بالمظهر فنحن نفاوض السيد بالمضمون.. هذه هي الحقيقة.. ويجب ألا نختبئء خلف أصابعنا.

سؤال.. هل عندكم قناعة في القيادة السورية.. أن هذا المؤتمر حتما سيعقد وستتم هذه المفاوضات الشهر القادم…

السيد الرئيس.. نعم.. نحن نتوقع ذلك إلا إذا كانت هناك عرقلة من باقي الدول.. بالنسبة لنا في سورية أعلنا منذ يومين موافقتنا من حيث المبدأ على المشاركة في المؤتمر.

سؤال.. هذه الكلمة بالمبدأ.. الموافقة المبدئية.. لماذا هناك حساب لطريق العودة…

السيد الرئيس.. لأن مبدأ المؤتمر صحيح.. لكن تبقى التفاصيل.. هل هناك شروط ستوضع قبل المؤتمر مثلا.. في حال وضعوا شروطا.. ربما نرفض هذه الشروط.. فلا نذهب.. ولكن مبدأ المؤتمر.. صيغة اللقاء.. هي صيغة جيدة.. هذا ما نقصده بالمبدأ.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. دعنا نتحدث عن الشروط التي تضعها القيادة السورية.. ما شروط سورية.

السيد الرئيس.. بكل بساطة الشرط الوحيد هو أن أي شيء ينفذ على خلفية أي لقاء سواء كان داخليا أو خارجيا بما فيه المؤتمر يخضع لرأي الشعب السوري.. ولاستفتاء الشعب السوري.. هذا هو الشرط الوحيد الحقيقي.. أي شيء آخر ليست له قيمة.. لذلك فإننا نذهب ونحن مرتاحون.. لا يوجد لدينا أي عقد.. يستطيعون أن يطروحوا أي شيء ونستطيع أن نطرح أي شيء.. ولكن أي شيء لا يمكن أن ينفذ إلا برغبة الشعب السوري.. وطالما أننا نمثل الشعب بشكل شرعي.. فلا يوجد شيء نخاف منه.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. دعنا نوضح.. هناك الكثير من اللبس أثير.. من “جنيف1″ و”جنيف2”.. حول المرحلة الانتقالية ودور سيادة الرئيس الدكتور بشار الأسد في هذه المرحلة.. هل أنتم على استعداد للتنازل عن كامل صلاحياتكم لهذه الحكومة الانتقالية وكيف تفهمون هذا المصطلح.. اللبس إذا صح التعبير…

تغيير صلاحيات الرئيس يخضع للدستور.. والرئيس لا يستطيع أن يتنازل عن صلاحياته.. هو لا يملك الدستور

السيد الرئيس.. هذا ما أوضحته في المبادرة التي أطلقناها في الشهر الأول من هذا العام.. هم يقولون يريدون حكومة انتقالية لا دور للرئيس فيها.. طبعا الرئيس لا يرأس حكومة.. في سورية نحن في نظام رئاسي.. الرئيس في رئاسة الجمهورية وهو لا يرأس الحكومة.. هناك رئيس للحكومة.. هم يريدون حكومة بصلاحيات واسعة.. الدستور السوري يعطي الحكومة صلاحيات كاملة والرئيس هو القائد العام للجيش والقوات المسلحة وهو رئيس مجلس القضاء الأعلى.. أما باقي المؤسسات فكلها تتبع بشكل مباشر للحكومة.. أما تغيير صلاحيات الرئيس فهذا يخضع للدستور.. والرئيس لا يستطيع أن يتنازل عن صلاحياته.. هو لا يملك الدستور.. الدستور بحاجة لاستفتاء شعبي.. هذه الأشياء عندما يريدون طرحها تطرح في المؤتمر وعندما نتفق على شيء.. إذا اتفقنا.. نعود ونطرحها باستفتاء.. نرى ما رأي الشعب السوري وعندها نسير.. ولكن أن يطلبوا مسبقا تعديل الدستور.. فهذا شيء لا يقوم به الرئيس ولا الحكومة.. إذ لا يحق لنا دستوريا أن نقوم بهذا العمل.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. بصراحة.. كل المواقف الدولية المعارضة.. كل خصومكم السياسيين قالوا لا نريد دورا للأسد في المرحلة القادمة أو في مستقبل سورية.. هذا ما قاله سعود الفيصل وما قاله الأتراك والقطريون وكذلك المعارضة السورية.. هل سيترشح الرئيس الأسد للانتخابات الرئاسية القادمة في 2014…

السيد الرئيس.. أنا أعرف أن سعود الفيصل مختص بالقضايا الأمريكية.. لا أدري إذا كان يعرف شيئا عن القضايا السورية.. إذا كان يريد أن يتعلم.. فلا بأس.. أما بالنسبة لرغبات الآخرين.. فأعود وأقول لن تكون هناك رغبة سوى رغبة الشعب السوري.. أما الترشيح فطرح من البعض.. انه يفضل ألا يترشح الرئيس لانتخابات الـ 2014.. قلت هذا الموضوع يحدد في ذلك الوقت.. ما زال الوقت باكرا لطرح مثل هذا الموضوع.. ولكن عندما يأتي التوقيت وأشعر أن هناك حاجة للترشيح.. طبعا هذه الحاجة يحددها.. مرة أخرى.. تواصلي مع المواطنين وشعوري بأنهم يرغبون بهذا الترشيح.. فلن أتردد.. أما إذا شعرت أن الشعب السوري لا يريد فمن البديهي ألا أترشح.. فهم يضيعون الوقت في هذا الحوار.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس أشرت إلى سعود الفيصل وزير الخارجية السعودي.. هذا ما يدفعني لى التساؤل عن علاقة سورية مع السعودية.. مع قطر.. مع تركيا.. ولاسيما إذا أخذنا بعين الاعتبار موقفهم الأخير في اللجنة الوزارية العربية الذي كان شبه معتدل.. لم يطالبوا بشكل مباشر وصريح برحيل الرئيس الأسد.

هل تلمسون أي تغيير أو دعم من هذه الدول للحل السياسي للأزمة السورية.. وهل سورية على استعداد للتعاطي من جديد مع الجامعة العربية.. علما أن الحكومة السورية مؤخرا طلبت اعتذارا من الجامعة…

جزء كبير من الدول العربية هو غير مستقل وتأتيه الأوامر من الخارج.. البعض منهم معنا بالقلب.. ولكن ليس معنا بالتطبيق وبالقرار

السيد الرئيس.. بالنسبة للدول العربية نرى تغيرات مؤقتة ترتبط بالخطاب ولا ترتبط بالممارسة.. الدول التي تدعم الإرهابيين لم تتغير.. ما زالت تدعم الإرهابيين بنفس المقدار.. تركيا أيضا لا يوجد شيء جدي.. أما بالنسبة لقطر فهي في نفس الموقع.. موقع الممول.. البنك الذي يقدم الأموال والدعم للإرهابيين عبر تركيا.. ففي الواقع لا يوجد أي تبدل.. أما بالنسبة للجامعة العربية فنحن في سورية لم نبن عليها آمالا حتى في العقود الماضية.. كنا بالكاد نتمكن من نزع الألغام في الاجتماعات المختلفة سواء على مستوى القمة أم على مستوى وزراء الخارجية.. فهل سنتوقع منها بعد المواقف الأخيرة أن تلعب دورا… نحن نتواصل ونتعاطى مع الجميع.. لا نغلق الأبواب.. ولكن في الواقع يجب أن نكون واقعيين.. يجب أن نعرف أن الجامعة غير قادرة على أن تقدم شيئا.. وخاصة أن جزءا كبيرا من الدول العربية هو غير مستقل وتأتيه الأوامر من الخارج.. البعض منهم معنا بالقلب.. ولكن ليس معنا بالتطبيق وبالقرار لأن القرار ليس قراره.. لنكن واضحين.. نحن لا نبني آمالا على الجامعة العربية.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. هذا يدفعنا إلى التساؤل.. إذا كان الجو العربي على هذه الصورة.. التطورات في الميدان والصمود كذلك.. ومؤتمر جنيف وطاولة المفاوضات.. السؤال الأساسي هنا.. ماذا لو فشلت المفاوضات السياسية.. ما تداعيات فشل المفاوضات السياسية…

فشل المؤتمر لا أعتقد أنه سيغير كثيرا من الواقع داخل سورية

السيد الرئيس.. هذا الاحتمال وارد جدا لأن هناك دولا تعرقل الاجتماع من الأساس.. ولو لم تكن محرجة لما ذهبت وهي ضد أي حوار.. سواء كان داخل سورية أو خارجها.. فهذا الاحتمال قائم.. حتى الروسي في أكثر من تصريح خفف من التوقعات بالنسبة لهذا المؤتمر.. لكن يجب أن نكون أيضا دقيقين في تعريف هذا الحوار.. ما علاقة هذا الحوار بما يحصل على الأرض… معظم هذه القوى التي تتنطح للحديث عما يحصل في سورية ليس لها علاقة بالداخل السوري.. ليس لها علاقة حتى بالإرهابيين بشكل مباشر.. وفي بعض الحالات الإرهابيون يرتبطون بهذه الدول مباشرة.. وفي حالات أخرى هي عبارة عن عصابات تأخذ الأموال حسبما تقوم به من أعمال تخريبية.. ففشل المؤتمر لا أعتقد أنه سيغير كثيرا من الواقع داخل سورية.. لأن هذه الدول.. بمؤتمر أو بدونه.. لن تتوقف عن الدعم.. والعصابات لن تتوقف عن التخريب.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس.. الأزمة في سورية بدأت تنتقل إلى الخارج.. إلى دول الجوار.. المتابع للمشهد العراقي.. والمتابع لتفجيرات الريحانية في تركيا.. وكذلك الحال في لبنان.. لدينا أحداث عرسال.. أحداث طرابلس.. ومشاركة حزب الله في القتال في القصير.. كيف تقارب سورية الملف اللبناني.. وهل تعتقد أن سياسة النأي بالنفس ما زالت سارية المفعول وما زالت مقبولة…

السيد الرئيس.. لنسأل أسئلة من واقع الأمور في سورية وفي لبنان عن سياسة النأي بالنفس لكي لا يقال انني أقيم أو أقول ان هذه السياسة صحيحة أو غير صحيحة.. نسأل سؤالا بسيطا.. هل تمكن لبنان من منع التدخل اللبناني في سورية… هل تمكن من منع تهريب الإرهابيين والسلاح إلى سورية أو من إعطائهم الملجأ من سورية إلى لبنان… لم يتمكن.. في الواقع الكل يعرف أن لبنان ساهم في الأزمة السورية بشكل سلبي.. مؤخرا هل تمكن لبنان من حماية نفسه من تداعيات الأزمة السورية وأوضحها ما يجري في طرابلس.. والصواريخ التي بدأت تسقط على مناطق مختلفة في بيروت أو حولها… عمليا لم يتمكن.. فعن أي نأي بالنفس نتحدث… نأي لبنان بنفسه شيء ونأي الحكومة بنفسها شيء آخر.. عندما تنأى الحكومة بنفسها عن موضوع معين وهذا الموضوع يهم ويخص ويؤثر في مصالح المواطنين فهي تنأى بنفسها عن المواطنين.. أنا لا أوجه الآن انتقادا الى الحكومة اللبنانية.. أنا أتحدث مبادئ عامة.. لا أريد أن يقال انني أنتقد هذه الحكومة.. لو أرادت الحكومة السورية أن تنأى بنفسها عن قضايا تهم الشارع السوري لفشل هذا الموضوع عندما تحصل المشكلة في بلد جار.. عندما يكون منزل جاري يحترق فلا أستطيع أن أقول انه لا علاقة لي.. هذه النار ستنتقل إلى منزلي.. فلذلك نحن لا نعتقد أن هذا الكلام ممكن من الناحية الواقعية.

سؤال.. سيادة الرئيس ماذا تقول لمحبي محور المقاومة.. نحن في أجواء الاحتفال بذكرى الانتصار والتحرير.. في أجواء الوعد بالنصر الذي تحدث عنه سماحة السيد حسن نصرالله.. أنتم تتحدثون بلغة الواثق بالانتصار على هذه الأزمة.. ماذا تقول لعموم هذا الجمهور.. هل نحن أمام الخروج من النفق المظلم…

لو لم تكن لدينا الثقة بالانتصار لما كانت لدينا القدرة على الصمود.. ولما كانت لدينا القدرة على أن نستمر بهذه المعركة بعد سنتين من هجوم عالمي

السيد الرئيس.. أنا أعتقد أن الانتصار الأكبر الذي حققته المقاومة العربية خلال سنوات أو عقود.. هو انتصار فكري بالدرجة الأولى.. هذه المقاومة ما كانت قادرة على النجاح عسكريا لولا النجاح والصمود في وجه حملة لتسويق وتشويه المفاهيم في هذه المنطقة.. قبل الحرب الأهلية في لبنان كان هناك مصطلح يقول ان قوة لبنان في ضعفه.. هذا يشبه القول ان ذكاء الإنسان بغبائه أو ان الشرف يمر عبر الفساد.. هذا غير منطقي.. أتت انتصارات المقاومة المختلفة في أكثر من مفصل لكي تؤكد أن هذا الطرح غير صحيح.. والصحيح هو أن ضعف لبنان بضعفه.. وقوة لبنان بقوته.. قوة لبنان بمقاومته.. وقوة لبنان بهؤلاء المقاومين الذين تتحدثين عنهم.. نحن اليوم بحاجة لهذا الفكر ولهذا الصمود وللأعمال التي يقوم بها المقاومون في هذه المرحلة أكثر من أي مرحلة أخرى.. لأن الأحداث التي مر بها الشارع العربي خلال السنتين الماضيتين أو أكثر بقليل ضربت المفاهيم لدرجة أن البعض من العرب نسي أن عدوه إسرائيل وأصبح العداء داخليا ومحليا.. طائفيا وإقليميا وقوميا وغير ذلك.. فنحن اليوم نعول على هؤلاء المقاومين بتذكير الشعب العربي من خلال انجازاتهم بأن عدونا ما زال في نفس المكان.. أما بالنسبة لثقتي بالانتصار.. فلو لم تكن لدينا الثقة بالانتصار لما كانت لدينا القدرة على الصمود.. ولما كانت لدينا القدرة على أن نستمر بهذه المعركة بعد سنتين من هجوم عالمي.. هو ليس عدوانا ثلاثيا كما حصل في عام 1956 وإنما حقيقة حرب عالمية تشن على سورية وعلى النهج المقاوم.. فثقتنا بالنصر أكيدة.. وأنا أؤكد لهم أن سورية ستبقى كما كانت بل أكثر من قبل داعمة للمقاومة والمقاومين في أي مكان من العالم العربي.

المذيعة.. في الختام شرفني جدا إجراء هذا الحوار معكم سيادة الرئيس السوري الدكتور بشار الأسد شكرا جزيلا لكم..

السيد الرئيس.. أهلا وسهلا بك وأود أن أهنئ قناة المنار.. هذه القناة المقاومة.. في ذكرى التحرير وأهنئ أيضا الشعب اللبناني وأهنئ كل مقاوم في لبنان .. أهلا وسهلا بكم.

المذيعة.. شكرا لكم

Why Assad “Wasn’t, Won’t be” Defeated? by Sadeq Khanafer, Hussein Mallah

Why Assad “Wasn’t, Won’t be” Defeated? by Sadeq Khanafer, Hussein Mallah

Why Assad “Wasn’t, Won’t be” Defeated? (1/7)
Sadeq Khanafer, Hussein Mallah

Few days, weeks, or even months…very soon the Syrian President Bashar al-Assad will be defeated. This is what the great leaders of the western and Arab powers predicted. However, the Syrian crisis has aged three years, yet the regime hasn’t fallen. Moreover, it was reported that some settlement is being simmered slowly, on the basis of dialogue between Damascus and the opposition, without the previous bets that were based on toppling President Assad.

To show the points of power and resistance with respect to Syria and its president facing the unprecedented universal attack for more than two years, we present in a seven-parts report entitled “Why Assad wasn’t, won’t be Defeated?” with numbers, facts, the most important means of confrontation used by the regime. In addition, we will show its powerful qualifications that made it able, till the moment, and “will help it” in the future to stay and survive.
Syria… for those who don’t know it..
In part one, we focus on defining Syria, its emergence, geographic and demographic formation, resources, political regime… reaching the recent events…

The State of Syria

Syria, its official name is the Syrian Arab Republic. Its capital is Damascus, its total area is 185.180 squared kilometers, its population is approximately 24 million people.

Borders and Geography

Syria is located to the west of Asia on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean in a region considered to be the intersection point between Asia, Europe, and Africa. It has common borders with Jordan to the south, Iraq to the east, Turkey to the north, Lebanon to the west, and its Golan Heights go along with the southwestern side of the occupied Palestine. In addition, Syria’s shore off the Mediterranean goes along the western side of the country.

Demography and Population

Its population hits 23,695,000 people, it occupies the 7th Arab level and the 54th international level with respect to its population. Most of the Syrian people are educated, the government offers free education for all levels. The age average when birth is 76 years, which sets Syria in the 8th Arab position with respect to the life index. Syrian people or those of Syrian origins abroad hit around 18 millions. Most of the population are Muslims divided on different sects, in addition to a high Christian population in Syria and abroad. The country is considered of great religious importance. It is a center for several Christian and Muslim sects. Most of the people in Syria are Arabs, they form 90% of the overall population, in addition to 8% of the Kurds, 2% of other ethnics including Armenians, Turkmen, and Charkas.

History and Civilization

Syria had witnessed several civilizations in the human history. The most ancient human monuments in Syria go back to a million years. Ancient civilizations settled in Syria, among them are the Sumerian, Assyrian, and Phoenician, Seleucian, Roman, Byzantine, Omayyad, Abbasid, Crusade, Ottomans and others.

Regime and Politics

The Syrian regime is a republican presidential regime, and the President is Bashar Assad. Syria is a founding member in the United Nations; it was elected twice in the UN Security Council. It is also a founding member in the League of Arab Nations, the Islamic Cooperation Organization, the UN Economic and Social Committee for Western Asia, the World Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the International Agency for Atomic Energy, the International Organization for Civil Aviation, Food and Agriculture Organization, Group 24, Group 77, the Non-Aligned Movement, organizations related to the Arab League such as the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development, and the Great Free Arab Trade Zone, among others.

Unity is Necessary

Article 42 of the Syrian Constitution provides that saving national unity is the duty of every citizen. In fact, Syria didn’t witness, in its modern history, any clashes or conflicts based on religious or sectarian reasons unlike many other countries such as Egypt, Iraq and Lebanon. In addition, article 35 guarantees the freedom of performing all religious rituals and establishing houses of worship, the same article guarantees the right to freedom of religion for all citizens.

Islam and Christianity

Along the Islamic history, Syria was the platform where many important states and events had took place, especially the Omayyad and the Zengid dynasties. In the Middle Ages literature, Damascus was called “Sham Sherif”, for its importance and position. Moreover, the country includes many shrines and tombs of the pious men and the companions who were famous in history, some of them were from the household of Prophet Mohammad (PBUH).

Syria also is of great importance on the level of the Christian history, it is the center of many churches and patriarchates of which the most important is the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch and all the East, the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate, and the Melkite Catholic Patriarchate, among others. It also contains many eastern churches all over its lands. Syria had produced many saints, in addition to that many clergymen are Syrian. Furthermore, there are many Christian holy places in Syria, such as Saidnaya, Maloula, Sadad, Deir Sem’an, Sarjila, and tens of historic Christian villages that were centers for saints in the First Christian Age. Not to mention, Saint Maroun, the intercessor of the Maronite sect, is buried in Syria.

Economy and Resources

On the level of resources and investment in Syria, agriculture is considered a very important element in the national income, in addition to other sectors such as industry, trade and services, and tourism, whose development contributes to the richness in monuments and fortresses as well as the country’s moderate climate. There are also many underground resources such as oil, natural gas, and phosphate, noting that some of these resources could achieve self satisfaction.

Foreign Relationships

Syria is considered among the countries that influence general policy in the Middle East. It is within what is known as the “axis of resistance”, and supports resistance movements in Palestine and Lebanon frankly and officially. As a result of this stance, its relationship with the United States is not good.

However, the Syrian relationship with Iran is very good, which is greatly reflected on the economic relations between the two countries. Relations are also good with Russia and China. Syria’s foreign policy sought recently building relationships with eastern European countries and Latin America to develop bilateral relations and improve economic exchange. It was mainly represented in the mutual visits and cooperation protocols signature on different levels.

The Army and Armed Forces

The Syrian army is the official regular apparatus to defend the country. According to the Constitution, the President is the High Leader of the army and the armed forces. Minister of Defense is his deputy and assigns the Commander-in-Chief. The Syrian army is the 16th worldwide regarding its size. It is the 2nd on the level of Arab armies after the Egyptian army.

The Syrian army participated in many wars against the Zionist entity such as 1948, 1967, 1973, and 1974 wars. It participated in thwarting the Israeli invasion to Lebanon in 1982.

The army’s armory is imported from the Soviet Union, then Russia, in addition to China and Iran. It includes Scud-S and Scud-D missiles capable of reaching Israel, in addition to American S-300 anti-aircraft missiles, Mig-31 fighters that could replace the American F-16 fighting falcons. The army also owns many tanks and different individual weapons.

Administrative Divisions

Syria is considered a central-government country. The center of the government is Damascus, the capital. As for administrative divisions, the republic is divided into 14 governorates; each governorate is divided into several regions. “The Ministry of Local Administration” is in charge of organizing the relationship between the governorates and the government on the one hand, and the government and governorates on the other.

Syrian Governorates (click on the name to see more)
• Al-Hasakah Governorate
• Deir Ez-Zour Governorate
• Ar-Reqqah Governorate
• Aleppo Governorate
• Idlib Governorate
• Latakia Governorate
• Tartus Governorate
• Hama Governorate
• Homs Governorate
• Damascus Governorate
• Rif Dimashq Governorate
• As-Suwayda Governorate
• Daraa Governorate
• Quneitra Governorate

Syria…the Crisis

This display was necessary to show the truth of what is going on in Syria in the meantime, as well as the crisis that is threatening the geographic and population unity.

The conflict in Syria doesn’t only demand reform and democracy as reported by western and Arab media outlets, even though those demands are the right of every people, but in the Syrian case, the intention aimed at targeting the country by suggesting triggering subjects such as freedom, dignity, and reform, until reaching the demand to topple the regime.


When the crisis began in March two years ago, after the Daraa events, some considered it an opportunity to reckoning Damascus, while others consider the new Syria a starting point to restore some sorts of glory that had gone. Americans and Zionists aimed at weakening Syria within a local conflict that leads to ousting it from the regional equation, and involving it in a destructive war that makes busy all leadership, people and army after being for decades inside the anti-American projects in the region by supporting resistance movements in Lebanon, Palestine, and Iraq during the American occupation.

In the following parts we will present the very details of how Syria, the state, government, people, and army resisted and will continue resisting in the ongoing confrontation.

• Part 2: The State of Syria… Universal War and Resistance despite Pain
• Part 3: When the Army Resisted… and Challenged
• Part 4: Policy and Diplomacy… Sticking to the Constants
• Part 5: The Inside and Outside Opposition
• Part 6: Syria… The World Became Two Poles
• Part 7: The Solution in Syria?
Part 2 of “Why Assad Wasn’t, Won’t be Defeated?” discusses how Syria, the state and the institutions, was able to continue normally despite the mass destruction of its infrastructure and vital sectors, as well as the series of Arab and western sanctions and the siege imposed on the country since the beginning of the crisis.

Perhaps the truth is that Syria is bleeding due to the armed conflict that was intended to damage the first country to build Arab unity with Egypt in the modern history, support Egypt during the 1956 trilateral attack, and support the Algerian revolution against the French colonialism. This resulted from Syria’s position against the Zionist occupation to Palestine since its first days, which was revealed through being in the axis of resistance, especially after ousting Egypt through the Camp David Accord, and the systematic destruction for Iraq.

Syria…the Regime

There is no doubt that the pressure that was and still being exerted on Syria and its army was pretty sufficient to cause its defeat since its first months, but Syria survived after more than two years, despite pains and destruction.

Since the beginning of the events (in Daraa, in March 2011) till the moment, it became clear that the Syrian status is heading towards a systematic escalation although the leadership confessed that some demands of the demonstrators were righteous (in the beginning), that political faults took place, and it was ready for dialogue and reforms, but things then went like a rolling snowball after foreign interventions on the Syrian land and relating the “end” of the Syrian crisis with Damascene waivers among which the most important was dissolving from the axis of resistance.

Syria recognized this condition and chose the challenge, in parallel with several reformative steps such as adopting a new Constitution and holding parliament and local elections in which the opposition forces had participated for the first time. All this neither did please some opposition sides nor the regional and international forces. It was followed by an unprecedented media campaign on Syria, Arabic and national diplomatic pressure was represented by excluding Damascus from the Arab League and granting its seat to the opposition coalition. However, Russia and China, along with the BRICS countries, succeeded in preventing the attempt to exclude Syria internationally.

Pure Syrian… Coherent System

Syria couldn’t have resisted without a coherent political, military, economic, and social system, even though some limited splits took place. In this context, Khalaf Al-Muftah, Aide of the Syrian Minister of Information, said in an interview with Al-Manar Website: “The state and the institutions in Syria are purely made in Syria, that’s why they weren’t influenced by the foreign factor. Were they made abroad, they would collapsed. They represent a local product that saved its identity.”

Al-Muftah emphasized that “The Syrian leadership was able to manage the political game and the crisis with absolute wisdom.” “President Bashar Assad’s psychological stability and ability to add more values to the military and social factors, as well as his ability to grasp the international and regional game, all contributed to receiving strong regional and international support, as well as creating a sort of balance that protected the Syrian state form being defeated.”

Among the factors that helped Syria in facing the crisis:
• It knew how and on whom it could bet on the foreign level
• It didn’t pass a foreign conspiracy that was self-uncovered after its failure
• President Bashar Assad’s personality that wasn’t unpleasant
• The suggested alternative didn’t meet the expectations of the people in Syria
• The cohesion of the military, political, and economic system
• The regime still enjoys huge popularity according to western and Arab surveys

Syria… the Economy

Syria is facing a ruthless battle, just like those against the militants, represented by facing the western and Arab economic blockade, as well as progressing economic needs and providing its citizens with financial needs, and services such as health, electricity, and energy…

Despite the strict sanctions and pressures, the Syrian government succeeded in lessening losses through the moving-eastward policy, and making benefits from the expertise, which allowed Syrians to continue in the state’s affairs despite the growing emigration inside and outside the country. The governmental institutions continued their job despite the mass destruction of the infrastructure and the vital facilities, such as electricity generating and oil refining stations, and public streets networks. However, all of this didn’t prevent the Syrian government from saving the minimum monetary and financial stability.

Between Openness and Self-Satisfaction

Before 2000, Syria adopted along the past decades an economic policy in which the state was the main axis. The Syrian leadership, since the era of late President Hafez Assad, didn’t rely in its economy on the western aid or what is known the capital system. However, it adopted a self-satisfaction policy on the agricultural and oil levels, and somehow the industrial. It also rationed importing and set local production as its first priority.

However, after 2000, and especially during the last years before the crisis, Syria tended to economic openness on its neighbors such as Iran, Iraq, Turkey, and even Gulf countries, as well as the BRICS countries, South American and European countries. Syria also signed several agreements with those countries, yet it didn’t link its economy to the western standards.

Variety and Production

In this context, the Syrian Minister of Economy’s Aide Hayyan Suleiman said to Al-Manar Website that “The Syrian economy’s nature is diverse and productive. Syria is among the lowest indebted countries in the world. It has relationships with huge countries such as Russia, China, and the Iranian Republic, which allowed it to face the crisis whose effects were less than the expected.”

Suleiman emphasized that “Any institution or economic position didn’t postpone salaries payment. This is proved by the fact that the 2013 annual budget was greater than 2012 and the greatest ever. We also have pretty enough monetary reserve. We seek positive adaptation with the circumstances of this conspiracy and real war.” “Economic relationships with some Arab countries do exist, yet they are stronger with Iran, Russia, China, and other friendly states,” he added.


It is true that this policy had both advantages and disadvantages, yet it produced a country that enjoys economic, military elements that don’t exist in many countries blessed with oil.

About this point, Vice-President of the Syrian Parliament Khaled Al-Abboud mentioned to Al-Manar Website that “The relationship between the people and the head of the political system is accepted in comparison with the relationship of that between the peoples of the region and their leaderships.” “Going back to the governmental institutions, and despite the siege on Syria and the attempts to hinder its progress in the past decades, the slogan in economy, agriculture and industry says that people must eat less than they produce, plant, and invest. Thus, we became a self-satisfied country. Syria could say that it is a self-satisfied country, and I believe it is the only self-satisfied country on the regional level,” he added.

Industry… Destruction and Theft

In the industrial field, as it became known, Syria relied mainly on its local industries. Aleppo was the economic lung and was described the second capital since it is the center of the Syrian financial and industrial flow. It is remarkable that the city’s population that hits around two and half a million persons was apart from the events until the last summer when thousands of militants sneaked into it in an unprecedented plan to control the city, which failed to succeed in the presence of the Syrian army operations.

Syrian estimates noted that sneaking into the city was coordinated by an intelligence operation within the Turkish government that stole Aleppo’s industries. Economic expert Hayyan Suleiman emphasizes this to Al-Manar Website saying that “Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the Turkish Prime Minister, seeks destroying Syrian facilities, stealing production lines especially the products that compete with the Turkish industry such as spinning, nutritive and medical materials, as well as cement factories and selling it for the cheapest prices.”

“Syria was stolen twice clearly. The first time was in 1865 when the Ottomans moved all jobs and crafts to the Astana, and the second in 2012 that was ordered by the Turkish Prime Minister and the Head of the Justice and Development Party, in which criminal gangs were sent to move all the industries to Istanbul,” he added.

According to Suleiman, “Those issues didn’t stop on the industrial level; rather it harmed the national economy. This is proved by their theft of the oil wells, burning them, and letting those gangs hurt people and everything else. They also stole grains, cut olive trees, and stole goods from the warehouses.”

Whether the Turkish government was aware of that, Suleiman answered that “the machines were recorded while being entered via Bab Al-Hawa passageway on the Turkish borders. Those machines couldn’t be moved but using heavy-loading trucks that couldn’t pass but through certain borderlines.” “The theft didn’t include the industrial side; however it included all the other economic fields. The losses are estimated by more than 300 billion Syrian Liras, in addition to the moral and humanitarian losses and damages,” he added.

Media… Challenges and Confrontation

There is no exaggeration saying that media was one of the main reasons in escalating the Syrian crisis and pushing it toward this limit. It used more than 200 Arab and international media outlets as a weapon in the battle with Syria. This huge imbalance was normal especially that those outlets are sponsored by countries and governments that employed billions of dollars to build “media empires.”

For this reason, the Syrian media (visible, audible, and electronic) suffered from obvious gaps since the beginning of the events. It found itself in an unfair and unequipped battle. However, after a period of time, Syrian media could minimize this gap in the coverage in front of the competent media outlets, in convenience with the available capabilities.

After the Crisis… Different Media

Khalaf Al-Muftah, Aide of the Syrian Minister of Information, emphasizes to our website that “Syria is facing an unprecedented media war, and the misleading media took benefits from the empty zones left by the official media. It was able to adapt with the crisis and restore its audience for its nearness from the ground, as well as presenting real news.” “The Syrian media, despite being in an unfair battle, could influence and acquire a huge audience through its relativity with the reality,” he added.

Al-Muftah noted that “The role of the resistant media, and the journalists, educated people, and Arab authors, contributed to enlightening the public opinion without creating a gap, as well as facing this international campaign and attempting to affect the international public opinion that became influential in the regional and international decision making. We mustn’t forget social networks, and the electronic Syrian army.”

Al-Muftah added that “The battle is between resistance and the hegemony powers. Every person could make a difference in the battlefield.” “The battle of awareness was important. The awareness of the battle and its dimensions contributed to shortening the way and facing media outlets that enjoys equipments and money, as well as –unfortunately- loud voices that could affect some areas,” he said.

Syrian media’s role in this phase is to alert decision-making areas in Arab and western world because Syrian satellite channels were banned from the Arab and European satellites. In the meantime, wide terrifying campaigns were launched against media employees. In addition, numerous media members were targeted, the Syrian Television was exploded, and the Al-Ekhbariya Channel was destroyed.

Because it is Different from All

Syria, despite the violent attack on all levels, could resist and wasn’t defeated because it is different from the all, and what is going on there is different from what went on in other countries:

The Russian Communist Revolution lasted two months.
The French Liberal Revolution lasted three weeks.
The Iranian Revolution lasted six months.

As for the so-called “Arab Spring”:
Tunisia: Fifteen days
Egypt: Two months
Libya: Ten months
Yemen: One year
However, Syria = Resistant

صادق خنافر وحسين ملاح

أيام معدودة، أسابيع، اشهر قليلة، قريباً جداً،.. ويسقط الرئيس السوري بشار الأسد. هذا ما تنبأ به كبار القادة في بلاد الغرب والعرب. وها قد دخلت الأزمة السورية سنتها الثالثة، ولم يسقط النظام، وكثر الحديث عن تسوية ما تطبخ على “نار هادئة”، ترتكز على الحوار بين دمشق والمعارضة، من دون ذكر الرهانات السابقة القائمة على اسقاط الرئيس الأسد.

ولتبيان مكامن قوة وصمود سورية ورئيسها في وجه الهجمة الكونية الغير مسبوقة لأكثر من عامين، نستعرض في تقرير من سبعة أجزاء بعنوان “لماذا لم ولن يسقط الأسد؟”، بالمعطيات والأرقام والوقائع أبرز أدوات المواجهة التي اعتمدها النظام، ونبين نقاط قوته التي مكنته حتى الساعة و”ستمكنه” في المستقبل من البقاء والإستمرار.
سورية لمن لا يعرفها..
في الجزء الأول من التقرير، نركز على التعريف بسورية الدولة، نشأتها، تكوينها الجغرافي والديمغرافي، وثرواتها، ونظامها السياسي.. وصولاً الى الأحداث الأخيرة..
دولة سورية
سوريا، ويكتبها البعض سورية واسمها الرسمي الجمهورية العربية السورية، عاصمتها دمشق، مساحتها 185.180 كلم مربع، ويبلغ عدد سكانها حوالي 24 مليون نسمة.

جغرافيا وحدود
تقع في غرب آسيا على الساحل الشرقي للبحر الأبيض المتوسط، في منطقة تعتبر صلة الوصل بين آسيا وأوروبا وإفريقيا. لها حدود مشتركة مع الأردن جنوبا، العراق شرقا، تركيا شمالا، لبنان غربا، وتحاذي هضبة الجولان في الجنوب الغربي فلسطين المحتلة. ولسوريا ساحل على البحر المتوسط يمتد غرب البلاد.

ديمغرافيا والسكان
يبلغ عدد سكانها 23,695,000 مليون نسمة، وتحتل المركز 7 عربيًا و54 عالميًا من حيث عدد السكان، أغلب الشعب السوري متعلم وتكفل الدولة التعليم بشكل مجاني بجميع مراحله، ومتوسط العمر المتوقع عند الولادة 76 عاماً، وبهذه النسبة تحتل المركز الثامن عربيًا في مؤشر الحياة، ويبلغ عدد السوريين المغتربين وذوي الأصول السورية حوالي 18 مليون، ويعتنق أغلب السكان الإسلام بطوائف مختلفة، كما أن هناك نسبة مرتفعة من المسيحيين في سوريا وفي الاغتراب السوري، وتعتبر البلاد ذات أهمية دينية ومركزًا لعدد من الطوائف المسيحية والإسلامية على حد سواء. أغلب سكان سوريا هم عرب ويشكلون 90%، مقابل 8% من الأكراد و2% من الأثنيات والمجموعات العرقية الأخرى، التي تشمل الأرمن والتركمان والشركس.

تاريخ وحضارة
شهدت سوريا قيام حضارات عديدة مؤثرة في التاريخ البشري، وتعود أقدم الآثار البشرية في سوريا لمليون عام، وتتالت على أرضها عدد من الحضارات القديمة، منها السومرية والآشورية والفينيقية فضلاً عن السلوقية والرومانية فالبيزنطية والأموية والعباسية والصليبية فالعثمانية على ذلك.

نظام وسياسة
النظام السوري هو نظام جمهوري رئاسي، والرئيس هو بشار الأسد. وسوريا عضو مؤسس في الأمم المتحدة وانتخبت مرتين كعضو في مجلس الأمن الدولي، كما أنها عضو مؤسس في جامعة الدول العربية وعضو مؤسس في منظمة التعاون الإسلامي، وعضو في لجنة الأمم المتحدة الاقتصادية والاجتماعية لغرب آسيا والبنك الدولي للإنشاء والتعمير والوكالة الدولية للطاقة الذرية والمنظمة الدولية للطيران المدني ومنظمة الأغذية والزراعة ومجموعة الأربع وعشرون ومجموعة سبعة وسبعون وحركة عدم الانحياز والمنظمات المنبثقة من جامعة الدول العربية مثل الصندوق العربي للإنماء الاقتصادي والاجتماعي ومنطقة التجارة العربية الحرة الكبرى، وغيرهم.

الوحدة واجبة
تنص المادة الثانية والأربعين من الدستور السوري على أن الحفاظ على الوحدة الوطنية واجب على كل مواطن، وفي الواقع لم تشهد سوريا في تاريخها الحديث اشتباكات أو صراعات على خلفيات دينية أو مذهبية على عكس العديد من البلدان المجاورة كمصر والعراق ولبنان. كذلك فإن المادة الخامسة والثلاثين من الدستور كفلت حرية قيام جميع الطوائف والمذاهب بطقوسها وتأسيس دور عبادتها الخاصة، وقد كفلت المادة نفسها حق الحرية الدينية للمواطنين.

الإسلام والمسيحية
خلال التاريخ الإسلامي كانت سوريا مسرحًا لقيام عدد من الدول والأحداث الهامة أبرزها قيام الدولة الأموية والدولة الزنكية، وتدعى دمشق في أدبيات القرون الوسطى “بالشام الشريف” إبرازًا لأهميتها وموقعها. كذلك فإن البلاد تشتهر بالمقامات وقبور الأولياء والصحابة بعضهم اشتهروا في التاريخ أو كانوا من آل البيت (ع).

ولسوريا أهمية كبيرة في تاريخ المسيحية، فهي مقر عدد من الكنائس والبطريركيات أبرزها بطريركية أنطاكية وسائر المشرق للروم الأرثوذكس وبطريركية السريان الأرثوذكس وبطريركية الملكيين الكاثوليك وغيرهم، وقامت بها الكثير من كنائس الشرق من شرقها إلى غربها. وقد خرج من سوريا عدد كبير من القديسين إلى جانب كون عدد كبير من آباء الكنيسة هم من السوريين. كذلك هناك العديد من المقدسات المسيحية المهمة مثل صيدنايا ومعلولا وصدد ودير سمعان وسرجيلا وعشرات القرى التاريخية المسيحية التي كانت مراكز القديسين في عصر المسيحية الأولى. وكنيسة براد التي تحوي مدفن القديس مار مارون شفيع الطائفة المارونية.

اقتصاد وثروات
وعلى صعيد الثروات والاستثمارات في سوريا، فهناك الزراعة التي تعتبر عنصرًا هامًا من عناصر الدخل القومي، فضلاً عن قطاعات الصناعة والتجارة والخدمات ، أما السياحة فيساهم انتشار الآثار والقلاع من ناحية ومناخ البلاد المعتدل من ناحية ثانية في تطورها، ويوجد أيضًا عدد من الثروات الباطنية أهمها النفط والغاز الطبيعي والفوسفات والتي يحقق بعضها الاكتفاء الذاتي.

العلاقات الخارجية
تعتبر سوريا من البلدان ذات التأثير في السياسات العامة للشرق الأوسط، تقف البلاد ضمن ما يعرف بـ”محور الممانعة”، وتدعم حركات المقاومة في فلسطين ولبنان بشكل رسمي وصريح، وبنتيجة هذا الموقف لا تعتبر العلاقات مع الولايات المتحدة الإمريكية جيدة.

ولسوريا علاقات مميزة مع إيران، تنعكس على العلاقات الاقتصادية بين البلدين بشكل كبير. كما أن لها علاقات مميزة مع روسيا والصين، وقد سعت السياسة الخارجية للتوجه نحو بلدان أوروبا الشرقية وأمريكا اللاتينية خلال المرحلة الأخيرة، لتطوير العلاقات الثنائية وتحسين التبادل الاقتصادي تمثل ذلك بشكل رئيسي في الزيارات المتبادلة وتوقيع برتكولات تعاون على مختلف الصعد.

الجيش والقوات المسلحة
الجيش السوري هو الجهاز النظامي الرسمي للدفاع عن البلاد، وبموجب الدستور السوري فإن رئيس الجمهورية هو القائد الأعلى للجيش والقوات المسلحة، في حين يعتبر وزير الدفاع نائبه ويعين من قبله رئيسًا للأركان. يعتبر الجيش السوري الجيش السادس عشر عالميًا من حيث الحجم ويحل ثانيًا على المستوى العربي بعد الجيش المصري.

شارك الجيش السوري في عدد من الحروب ضد الكيان الإسرائيلي منها حرب 1948 وحرب 1967 وحرب تشرين عامي 1973 و1974. وشارك في التصدي للاجتياح الإسرائيلي للبنان عام 1982.

ترسانة الجيش مستوردة من الاتحاد السوفيتي ومن ثم من روسيا إضافة إلى الصين وإيران، وهي تشمل صورايخ سكود -س وسكود – د القادرة على أن تطول إسرائيل، إضافة إلى صوايخ اس -300 المضادة للطائرات الحربية ومقاتلات ميج 31 التي تعتبر البديل عن طائرات إف-15 الإمريكية الصنع؛ كما يملك الجيش العديد من الدبابات والأسلحة الفردية المختلفة.

التقسيمات الإدارية
تعتبر سوريا دولة مركزية الحكم ومقر الحكومة هو العاصمة دمشق، أما عن التقسيمات الإدارية فإن الجمهورية مقسمة حاليًا لأربع عشرة محافظة، وتقسم كل محافظة بدورها إلى عدد من المناطق، وتتولى شؤون تنظيم العلاقة بين المحافظات والحكومة من جهة وبين الحكومة والمحافظات من جهة ثانية “وزارة الإدارة المحلية”.

المحافظات السوريّة (إضغط على إسم المحافظة للإطلاع على المزيد)


سورية.. الأزمة
كان لا بد من هذا الشرح لتبيان حقيقة ما تمر به سورية في الوقت الراهن، والازمة التي تعصف بالبلد مهددة وحدة ترابه الجغرافي والسكاني ..

فالصراع الدائر في سورية لا يقتصر على مطالب الاصلاح والديمقراطية، كما تروج وسائل اعلامية غربية وعربية، وان كانت هذه المطالب حق لكافة الشعوب، الا انه في الحالة السورية أُريد من خلالها استهداف هذا البلد عبر طرح عناوين براقة تدغدغ المشاعر (الحرية ، الكرامة، الاصلاح) حتى وصلت الى المطالبة باسقاط النظام..

تصفية حسابات
فعند بدايات الازمة في شهر آذار مارس قبل عامين، وعقب أحداث درعا، هناك من وجد فيها فرصة لتصفية حسابات قديمة مع دمشق، والبعض الاخر رأى في سورية جديدة نقطة ارتكاز لاستعادة امجاد غابرة، فيما صوب الاميركيون ومعهم الصهاينة باتجاه اضعاف سورية من خلال نزاع داخلي يؤدي الى اخراجها من المعادلة الاقليمية، وادخالها في آتون حرب لا تبقي ولا تذر، تنشغل فيها قيادة وشعبا وجيشا، وهي التي كانت لعقود نقطة الارتكاز في المحور المناهض للمشاريع الاميركية في المنطقة، من خلال وقوفها الى جانب حركات المقاومة في لبنان وفلسطين والعراق أبان الاحتلال الاميركي.


لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الأسد؟؟ (2/7)
لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الأسد؟؟ (3/7)
لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الأسد؟؟ (4/7)

.. وفي الأجزاء التالية نستعرض بالتفصيل كيف صمدت وستصمد سورية الدولة والنظام والشعب والجيش في المواجهة المستمرة..

  • الجزء الخامس: المعارضة.. داخل وخارج
  • الجزء السادس: سورية.. العالم اصبح قطبين
  • الجزء السابع: الحل في سورية؟؟


لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الأسد؟؟ (2/7)
صادق خنافر وحسين ملاح

نستعرض في الجزء الثاني من “لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الاسد؟؟”، كيف تمكنت سورية، دولة ومؤسسات من تسيير شؤونها رغم الدمار الواسع الذي أصاب بناها التحتية ومرافقها الحيوية، هذا فضلا عن سيل العقوبات العربية والغربية والحصار المفروض عليها منذ الشهور الاولى للازمة.

ولعل الحقيقة الدامغة ان سورية تنزف جراء النزاع المسلح الذي اريد له تدمير بلدٍ بنى أول وحدة عربية في التاريخ الحديث مع مصر، ووقف معها ضد العدوان الثلاثي 1956، ومع ثورة تحرير الجزائر من المستعمر الفرنسي، وامتدادا لوقوفه في وجه الاحتلال الصهيوني لفلسطين منذ بدايته، والذي تجلى بالوقوف في قلب محور المقاومة، وخاصة بعد اخراج مصر عبر معاهدة كامب ديفيد والتدمير الممنهج للعراق.
سورية.. النظام
لاشك أن حجم الضغط الذي مُورس ولايزال على سورية وجيشها، كان كفيلاً بإسقاطها منذ الشهور الاولى، لكن مرت أكثر من سنتين وبقيت، رغم الجراح التي حلت بالبشر والحجر.

فمنذ بداية الأحداث (درعا آذار/مارس 2011) وحتى الآن بدا واضحاً ان الوضع السوري متجه نحو تصعيد ممنهج، رغم إقرار القيادة بأحقية بعض مطالب المتظاهرين (في بداية الأزمة)، وبحصول اخطاء على المستوى السياسي، واستعدادها للحوار واجراء اصلاحات، الا ان الامور اخذت شكل كرة الثلج المتدحرجة، بعد دخول أطراف خارجية على الخط، واستجلابها أدواتها من دكة الإحتياط الى الأرض السورية، وربطها “انهاء” الازمة بتنازلات تقدمها دمشق على رأسها فك ارتباطها بمحور المقاومة.

وضعٌ أدركته سورية وحلفاؤها واختارت التحدي، لكنها قدمت بالتزامن خطوات اصلاحية عدة، كاقرار دستور جديد واجراء انتخابات نيابية ومحلية شاركت فيها قوى معارضة للمرة الاولى. كل ذلك لم يرضِ أطرافا معارضة والقوى الإقليمية والعالمية، وأتبع بحملة إعلامية غير مسبوقة على سورية، وضغط دبلوماسي عربي وأُممي تمثل في إبعاد دمشق من الجامعة العربية، وصولاً الى اعطاء مقعدها للائتلاف المعارض، فيما نجحت روسيا والصين ومعهما اعضاء مجموعة البريكس في التصدي لمحاولة عزل سورية دولياً.
منظومة متماسكة.. سورية بامتياز
معاون وزير الإعلام السوري خلف المفتاحلم تكن لتصمد سورية لولا منظومة سياسية وعسكرية واقتصادية واجتماعية ظلت متماسكة، رغم الانشقاقات المحدودة. وفي هذا الاطار يقول معاون وزير الاعلام السوري خلف المفتاح في مقابلة مع موقع المنار ان “الدولة والمؤسسات في سورية صناعة سورية بإمتياز لذلك لم تتأثر بالعامل الخارجي، ولو كانت مصنوعة خارجياً لانهارت.. وكونها انتاج محلي حافظ على هويته“.

ويؤكد المفتاح “ان القيادة السورية استطاعت أن تدير اللعبة السياسية والأزمة بحكمة لا متناهية”، مضيفاً ان “الثبات النفسي عند الرئيس بشار الاسد وقدرته على ان اعطاء قيمة مضافة للعامل العسكري والمجتمعي، فضلاً عن تمكنه من الامساك باللعبة الدولية والاقليمية، ساهم في حشد دعم اقليمي ودولي قوي، وخلق نوع من التوازن حمى الدولة السورية من السقوط”.

ومن أبرز العوامل التي ساعدت سورية على الصمود في وجه الأزمة:

  • عرفت كيف وعلى من تراهن في الخارج.
  • عدم السماح بتمرير مؤامرة خارجية فضحت نفسها بعد فشل أدواتها.
  • شخصية الرئيس بشار الأسد التي لم تكن مكروهة.
  • البديل المطروح ليس بحجم أحلام وامنيات الشعب السوري.
  • تماسك المنظومة العسكرية والسياسية والإقتصادية.
  • النظام ما زال يتمتع بشعبية واسعة، وفق احصاءات غربية وعربية.

سورية.. الإقتصاد
تخوض سورية مواجهة لا تقل ضراوة عن المعارك الدائرة ضد المسلحين، تتمثل في التصدي للحصار الإقتصادي الغربي والعربي عليها، والإستمرار بتسيير عجلة الاقتصاد وتأمين الموارد المالية وإيصال الخدمات من طبابة وكهرباء وطاقة.. الخ الى المواطنين.

إضغط على الصورة للتكبيرورغم العقوبات وتشديد الضغط، نجحت الحكومة السورية في تقليل الخسائر عبر اعتماد سياسة الاتجاه شرقا، والاستفادة من الخبرات، الامر الذي مكن السوريين من الاستمرار من تسيير شؤون الدولة، بالرغم من ارتفاع وتيرة النزوح الى داخل وخارج البلاد، وحافظت مؤسسات الدولة على عملها، رغم الأضرار الهائلة التي لحقت بالبنية التحتية والمرافق الحيوية، من محطات توليد الكهرباء وتكرير النفط وشبكة الطرقات العامة، الا أن ذلك لم يمنع الحكومة من ان تحافظ على حد ادنى من الاستقرار النقدي والمالي.
بين الانفتاح والإكتفاء الذاتي
قبل العام 2000، اعتمدت سورية طيلة العقود الماضية سياسة اقتصادية شكلت الدولة فيها المحور الأساسي. فالقيادة السورية ومنذ الرئيس الراحل حافظ الاسد لم تربط اقتصادها بالمساعدات الغربية او ما يعرف بالنظام الرأسمالي بل اتبعت سياسة الاكتفاء الذاتي زراعيا ونفطيا والى حد ما صناعيا، وقننت الاستيراد من الخارج وأعطت الاولوية للانتاج المحلي.

ولكن بعد العام 2000، عمدت سورية وخاصة في السنوات الاخيرة قبل الازمة الى الانفتاح الإقتصادي على جيرانها من ايران والعراق وتركيا وحتى دول خليجية، اضافة الى مجموعة البريكس، ودول أمريكا الجنوبية، وحتى بعض الدول الاوروبية، ووقعت العديد من الاتفاقيات معها، لكن دون ربط اقتصادها بالمعايير الغربية.
تنوع وانتاج
معاون وزير الإقتصاد السوري حيان سليمانوفي هذا السياق، يرى معاون وزير الإقتصاد السوري حيان سليمان لموقع المنار ان “الاقتصاد السوري من خلال طبيعته متنوع وانتاجي.. وسورية من اقل دول العالم مديونية، ولها علاقات مع دول وازنة كروسيا والصين والجمهورية الايرانية، جعلتها تتمكن من مواجهة الأزمة التي كان لها تأثيراً ولكن أقل من المتوقع”.

ويؤكد سليمان أنه “لا توجد مؤسسة أو موقع إقتصادي تأخر عن سداد رواتبه، والدليل على ذلك انالموازنة السنوية لعام 2013 قد زادت عن عام 2012، وعن كل الموازنات السابقة، ولدينا من الاحتياط النقدي ما يكفي، والان نسعى للتأقلم الايجابي مع ظروف هذه المؤامرة والحرب الحقيقية”. ويضيف أن “العلاقات الاقتصادية مع بعض الدول العربية موجودة، وتتجذر مع ايران ومع روسيا والصين، وغيرها من الدول الصديقة”.
اكتفاء ذاتي
طبعا هذه السياسة كان لها ايجابياتها وسلبياتها، لكنها انتجت بلدا يتمتع بمقومات اقتصادية وعسكرية لا يملكها بعض الدول التي تتغنى بنعمة النفط.

نائب رئيس مجلس الشعب السوري خالد العبودوحول هذا الموضوع يقول نائب رئيس مجلس الشعب السوري خالد العبود لموقع المنار أن “العلاقة الرابطة بين الشعب وبين رأس المنظومة السياسية مقبولة اذا ما قيست بعلاقة شعوب المنطقة بقياداتها”. ويضيف “لو عدنا الى مؤسسات الدولة لوجدنا مثلا على المستوى الاقتصادي رغم الحصار الذي مورس ضد سورية، ومحاولات التضييق طيلة العقود الماضية، لوجدنا العنوان في الاقتصاد والزراعة والصناعة يقول، يجب لهذا الشعب ان يأكل أقل مما ينتج ومما يزرع ويستثمر، بالتالي اصبح لدينا عنوان اسمه الاكتفاء الذاتي، سوريا تستطيع أن تقول بأنها دولة مكتفية ذاتيا، وأعتقد بانها الدولة الوحيدة على مستوى المنطقة مكتفية ذاتيا”.

الصناعة.. تدمير وسرقة
وفي المجال الصناعي، وكما هو معروف فإن سورية كانت تعتمد بشكل كبير على مصانعها المحلية وشكلت مدينة حلب الرئة الاقتصادية، ووُصفت بانها العاصمة الثانية كونها تشكل قلب الحركة المالية والصناعية السورية. واللافت ان المدينة التي تضم زهاء مليونين ونصف المليون نسمة ظلت لفترة طويلة بعيدة عن الاحداث حتى الصيف الماضي حين تسلل اليها الاف المسلحين ضمن خطة مسبوقة للسيطرة على المدينة، وهو ما لم يتكلل بالنجاح مع عمليات الجيش السوري.

إضغط على الصورة للتكبيرتقديرات سورية تشير الى ان التسلل الى المدينة تم بعملية استخباراتية نسقتها الحكومة التركية التي سرقت مصانع حلب، وتأكيداً يقول الخبير الإقتصادي حيان سليمان لموقع المنار “ان رجب طيب اردوغان رئيس الوزراء التركي يسعى الى تدمير المنشات السورية، وسرقة خطوط الانتاج خاصة في الصناعات التي تنافس الصناعة التركية، مثل الغزل والنسيج والمواد الغذائية والطبية، كذلك مصانع الاسمنت وبيعها كخردة بأبخس الاثمان”. ويضيف “سورية تعرضت لسرقتين واضحتين السرقة الاولى عام 1865 حيث قام العثمانيون بنقل كل المهن والحرف الى الاستانة، وسرقة ثانية عام 2012 تمت بأوامر من رئيس مجلس وزراء تركيا وحزب العدالة والتنمية، حيث تم توجيه عصابات اجرامية لنقل وفك كل هذه الصناعات ونقلها الى اسطنبول”.

ووفق سليمان فان “هذه القضايا لم تتوقف عند الصناعة بل اضرت الاقتصاد الوطني وأدلل على كلامي من خلال سرقتهم لابار النفط وحرقها وترك هذه العصابات تعيث فسادا ضد البشر والشجر والحجر، كما سرقوا مواسم الحبوب وقطعوا اشجار الزيتون وغيرها، كما سرقوا السلع من المستودعات”. وحول ما إذا كانت الدولة التركية على علم بذلك، يجيب “لقد تم تصوير هذه الآلات حين ادخالها عن طريق معبر باب الهوى على الحدود التركية، وهذه الالات لا يمكن نقلها الا بسيارات كبيرة ذات اوزان شحن كبيرة ولا يمكن ان تمر الا من منافذ حدودية محددة”، مضيفاً “عملية السرقة لم تشمل الجانب الصناعي بل شملت كل مجالات الاقتصاد الاخرى وتقدر الخسائر بأكثر من 300 مليار ليرة سورية اضافة الى الخسائر المعنوية والبشرية والى الاضرار”.
الاعلام.. تحديات ومواجهة
إضغط على الصورة للتكبيرلا مبالغة في القول ان الاعلام كان أحد الاسباب الاساسية في تسعير الازمة السورية ودفعها الى ما وصلت اليه، حيث استخدمت أكثر من مئتين مؤسسة اعلامية عربية وعالمية، كأداة حربية في المعركة مع سورية، فكان من الطبيعي حصول اختلال كبير في التوازن، خاصة وان تلك المؤسسات مدعومة من دول وحكومات سخرت مليارات الدولارات لبناء “امبراطوريات اعلامية”.

لذلك عانى الاعلام السوري (المرئي والمسموع والالكتروني) من ثغرات واضحة عند بدايات الاحداث، ووجد نفسه في معركة غير متكافئة وغير مجهزٍ لها، ولكن مع مرور الوقت استطاع تقليص الهوة في التغطية مع الاعلام المنافس، وفق الامكانات المتاحة.
بعد الازمة.. إعلام مختلف
معاون وزير الإعلام السوري خلف المفتاح يؤكد لموقعنا أن سورية “تخوض حربا اعلامية غير مسبوقة، فالاعلام المضلل تحرك في مناطق الفراغ التي تركها الاعلام الرسمي، ولكنه استطاع أن ينهض ويتكيف مع الازمة، ويستعيد جمهوره لقربه من الحدث، وايضا لتقديمه خبرا لا يغاير الواقع”. ويضيف ان “الاعلام السوري رغم انه وجد نفسه في معركة غير متكافئة الا انه استطاع من خلال ارتباطه بالواقع ان يؤثر ويكتسب جمهورا واسعا”.

المفتاح يشير الى “دور الاعلام المقاوم وكذلك الاعلاميين والمثقفين والكتاب العرب الذي ساهم في تنوير الراي العام وعدم ترك فراغ، ومواجهة هذه الحملة الدولية ومحاولة التأثير في الرأي العام العالمي الذي اصبح مؤثراً في اتخاذ قرارات على مستوى اقليمي ودولي… ولا ننسى شبكات التواصل الاجتماعي، وايضا الجيش الالكتروني السوري”.

ويلفت معاون وزير الاعلام في حديثه لموقع المنار الى أن “المعركة هي بين المقاومة وقوى الهيمنة وأي شخص قادر ان يؤثر في ساحة المواجهة”، مضيفاً أن “معركة الوعي كانت هامة، وعي المعركة وابعادها ساهم في اختصار الطريق والتضييق عبر وسائل الاعلام التي تمتلك تقانة ومال ومع الاسف ابواقا قادرة على ان تؤثر في مساحات معينة”.

دور الاعلام السوري في هذه المرحلة، دفع دوائر القرار في العالمين العربي والغربي الى التبنه، فتم عزل الفضائيات السورية عن الاقمار العربية والاوروبية، في وقت شنت حملات ترهيب واسعة ضد العاملين في القطاع الاعلامي، وتم استهداف عدد من الكوادر الاعلامية، وصولا الى تفجير في التلفزيون السوري وتدمير مبنى الاخبارية.


لأنها تختلف عن الجميع
سورية ورغم شراسة الهجمة على كافة الصعد استطاعت أن تصمد ولم تسقط، لأنها تختلف عن الجميع، وما يجري فيها يختلف عما جرى في غيرها.. فــ:
الثورة الروسية الشيوعية استغرقت: شهرين
الثورة الفرنسية الليبرالية: ثلاث اسابيع
الثورة الايرانية : 6 اشهر

وما سمي بـ”الربيع العربي”، فــ: 
تونس: 15 يوما
مصر: شهرين
ليبيا: 10 اشهر
اليمن: سنة

سورية = صامدة..

لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الأسد؟؟ (1/7)
لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الأسد؟؟ (3/7)
لماذا لم.. ولن يسقط الأسد؟؟ (4/7)

تتابعون في..
الجزء الخامس: المعارضة.. داخل وخارج 
الجزء السادس: سورية.. العالم اصبح قطبين 
الجزء السابع: الحل في سورية؟؟

False news about the assassination of Syrian President Bashar Al-assad

False news about the assassination of Syrian President  Bashar Al-assad
– Some websites published false news about the assassination of Syrian President. Bashar Al-assad by one of his Iranian Bodyguard , news exists on this site and on several other site then many websites published that Zionist Bedouins created an Al-Assad articulated robot, will show him dead along with Damascus streets in chaos, to bring about panic and demoralize the Syrian people and the army, to enable terrorists to take advantage of the situation. Just like they did with the fake GREEN SQUARE footage in LIBYA, the news exists on this site :

Statement of Syrian Media Office

Statement of Syrian Media Office

|| Statement ||

The Washington Post Newspaper has published an analytical article entitled “Syria’s Bashar al-Assad says his wife is pregnant” by Max Fisher. The author based his analysis on false allegations that led him to wrong results which are far from reality.
The Presidential Media Office confirms that what was quoted, in the title and content of the article, as Assad’s words is utterly false. Therefore, we call on the Washington Post that claims credibility and professionalism to deny what was quoted as Assad’s words. We ask them to do so in order not to affect the American Public Opinion with misleading information.
The office, therefore, calls on the Arab and Western Media to adopt reliable sources of news, verify and audit the news of un-official media before releasing it in order to preserve credibility and professionalism.
The Office is also ready to cooperate with professional and un-biased Media to check and audit any information related to the Institution of the Presidency of the Syrian Arab Republic .

|| The Presidential Media Office of the Syrian Arab Republic ||

أوردت صحيفة الواشنطن بوست مقالاً تحليلياً بعنوان:
(Syria’s Bashar al-Assad says his wife is pregnant)
كتبه ماكس فيشر بنى فيه تحليله على مجموعة من المغالطات والادعاءات الكاذبة أوصلت الكاتب إلى نتائج خاطئة جملة وتفصيلاً.
ويؤكد المكتب الإعلامي في رئاسة الجمهورية أن كل ما نقل عن لسان السيد الرئيس بشار الأسد – ابتداءً من العنوان ومضمونه – هو عار تماما عن الصحة. وبالتالي فإن الواشنطن بوست، وانطلاقاً مما تدعيه من مصداقية ومهنية، مدعوة لنفي ما نسبته للرئيس الأسد حفاظاً على عدم تضليل قرائها والرأي العام الأميركي.
والمكتب هنا إذ يتمنى على الصحافة العربية أولاً والغربية ثانياً اعتماد مصادر موثوقة لأخبارها للحفاظ على مصداقيتها والتحقق والتدقيق فيما يتم نقله عبر الوسائل غير الرسمية، فهو على استعداد للتعاون مع الوسائل الإعلامية المهنية والحيادية لتدقيق أي معلومة لها علاقة بمؤسسة رئاسة الجمهورية العربية السورية.

|| المكتب الإعلامي في رئاسة الجمهورية العربية السورية ||